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Iaco!)A\)l)ott. 

Harpers  Broker* 
MctoTott. 


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Pr  h 


HISTORY 


XERXES    THE    GREAT 


BY  JACOB   ABBOTT. 


ftfe  2Bnfltabfnfi£t. 


NEW    YORK: 
HARPER   &  BROTHERS,   PUBLISHERS, 

62    CLIFF    STREET. 


pm^^o^^ 


DUPLICATE 
■&CHAN6L 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1850, 

BY   HARPER  &  BROTHERS, 

Iu  the  Clerk's  Office  for  the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 


Gift 
Mrs.  Hennen  Jennings 
April  26,  1933 


PREFACE. 


5" 


ri 


One  special  object  which  the  author  of  this 
series  has  had  in  view,  in  the  plan  and  method 
which  he  has  followed  in  the  preparation  of  the 
successive  volumes,  has  been  to  adapt  them  to 
the  purposes  of  text-books  in  schools.  The 
study  of  a  general  compend  of  history,  such  as 
is  frequently  used  as  a  text-book,  is  highly  use- 
ful, if  it  comes  in  at  the  right  stage  of  educa- 
tion, when  the  mind  is  sufficiently  matured,  and 
has  acquired  sufficient  preliminary  knowledge 
to  understand  and  appreciate  so  condensed  a 
generalization  as  a  summary  of  the  whole  his- 
tory of  a  nation  contained  in  an  ordinary  volume 
must  necessarily  be.  Without  this  degree  of 
maturity  of  mind,  and  this  preparation,  the 
study  of  such  a  work  will  be,  as  it  too  frequent- 
ly is,  a  mere  mechanical  committing  to  mem- 
ory of  names,  and  dates,  and  phrases,  which 
awaken  no  interest,  communicate  no  ideas,  and 
impart  no  useful  knowledge  to  the  mind. 

A  class  of  ordinary  pupils,  who  have  not  yet 


vi  Preface. 

become  much  acquainted  with  history,  would, 
accordingly,  be  more  benefited  by  having  their 
attention  concentrated,  at  first,  on  detached 
and  separate  topics,  such  as  those  which  form 
the  subjects,  respectively,  of  these  volumes. 
By  studying  thus  fully  the  history  of  individual 
monarchs,  or  the  narratives  of  single  events, 
they  can  go  more  fully  into  detail ;  they  con- 
ceive of  the  transactions  described  as  realities ; 
their  reflecting  and  reasoning  powers  are  occu- 
pied on  what  they  read";  they  take  notice  of 
the  motives  of  conduct,  of  the  gradual  develop- 
ment of  character,  the  good  or  ill  desert  of  ac- 
tions, and  of  the  connection  of  causes  and  con- 
sequences, both  in  respect  to  the  influence  of 
wisdom  and  virtue  on  the  one  hand,  and,  on 
the  other,  of  folly  and  crime.  In  a  word,  their 
minds  and  hearts  are  occupied  instead  of  mere- 
ly their  memories.  They  reason,  they  sympa- 
thize, they  pity,  they  approve,  and  they  con- 
demn. They  enjoy  the  real  and  true  pleasure 
which  constitutes  the  charm  of  historical  study 
for  minds  that  are  mature ;  and  they  acquire 
a  taste  for  truth  instead  of  fiction,  which  will 
tend  to  direct  their  reading  into  proper  channels 
in  all  future  years. 

The  use  of  these  works,  therefore,  as  text- 
books in  classes,  has  been  kept  continually  in 


Preface.  vii 

mind  in  the  preparation  of  them.  The  running 
index,  on  the  tops  of  the  pages  is  intended  to 
serve  instead  of  questions.  These  captions  can 
be  used  in  their  present  form  as  topics,  in  re- 
spect to  which,  when  announced  in  the  class, 
the  pupils  are  to  repeat  substantially  what  is 
said  on  the  page ;  or,  on  the  other  hand,  ques- 
tions in  form,  if  that  mode  is  preferred,  can  be 
readily  framed  from  them  by  the  teacher.  In 
all  the  volumes,  a  very  regular  system  of  divi- 
sion into  chapters  is  observed,  which  will  great- 
ly facilitate  the  assignment  of  lessons 


CONTENTS. 


Chapter                                          .  Pagc- 

I.    THE    MOTHER    OF    XERXES 13 

II.    EGYPT    AND    GREECE 33 

III.  DEBATE     ON     THE     PROPOSED     INVASION     OF 
GREECE 56 

IV.  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  INVASION  OF  GREECE  78 
V.    THE    CROSSING    OF    THE    HELLESPONT 100 

VI.    THE    REVIEW    OF    THE    ARMY    AT    DORISCUS..  125 

VII.    PREPARATIONS   OF  THE  GREEKS  FOR  DEFENSE  151 

VIII.    THE   ADVANCE   OF   XERXES    INTO   GREECE....  178 

IX.    THE    BATTLE    OF   THERMOPYLfi 201 

X.    THE    BURNING    OF  ATHENS 224 

XI.    THE    BATTLE    OF    SALAMIS 245 

XII.    THE    RETURN    TO    PERSIA 284 


ENGRAVINGS. 


Paga 

ARTABANUS    AND    THE    GHOST Frontispiece . 

MAP    OF    THE    PERSIAN    EMPIRE. 

PHERON    DEFYING    THE    NILE 48 

MAP    OF    GREECE 101 

XERXES    CROSSING    THE    HELLESPONT 121 

FATE    OF    THE    PERSIAN    EMBASSADORS    AT    SPARTA    160 

CITADEL    AT    ATHENS 241 

RETURN    OF    XERXES    TO   PERSIA 297 


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XERXES. 

Chapter  1. 
The  Mother  of  Xerxes. 

Persian  magnificence.  The  mother  of  Xerxes. 

fBlHE  name  of  Xerxes  is  associated  in  the 
-*-  minds  of  men  with  the  idea  of  the  highest 
attainable  elevation  of  human  magnificence  and 
grandeur.  This  monarch  was  the  sovereign  of 
the  ancient  Persian  empire  when  it  was  at  the 
height  of  its  prosperity  and  power.  It  is  prob- 
able, however,  that  his  greatness  and  fame  lose 
nothing  by  the  manner  in  which  his  story  comes 
down  to  us  through  the  Greek  historians.  The 
Greeks  conquered  Xerxes,  and,  in  relating  his 
history,  they  magnify  the  wealth,  the  power, 
and  the  resources  of  his  empire,  by  way  of  ex- 
alting the  greatness  and  renown  of  their  own 
exploits  in  subduing  him. 

The  mother  of  Xerxes  was  Atossa,  a  daugh- 
ter of  Cyrus  the  Great,  who  was  the  founder 
of  the  Persian  empire.  Cyrus  was  killed  in 
Scythia,  a  wild    and  barbarous  region   lying 


14  Xerxes.  [B.C.  522. 

Cambyses.  Ambition  and  selfishness  of  kings. 

north  of  the  Black  and  Caspian  Seas.  His  son 
Cambyses  succeeded  him. 

A  kingdom,  or  an  empire,  was  regarded,  in 
ancient  days,  much  in  the  light  of  an  estate, 
which  the  sovereign  held  as  a  species  of  prop- 
erty, and  which  he  was  to  manage  mainly  with 
a  view  to  the  promotion  of  his  own  personal  ag- 
grandizement and  pleasure.  A  king  or  an  em- 
peror could  have  more  palaces,  more  money, 
and  more  wives  than  other  men ;  and  if  he  was 
of  an  overbearing  or  ambitious  spirit,  he  could 
march  into  his  neighbors'  territories,  and  after 
gratifying  his  love  of  adventure  with  various 
romantic  exploits,  and  gaining  great  renown  by 
his  ferocious  impetuosity  in  battle,  he  could  end 
his  expedition,  perhaps,  by  adding  his  neigh- 
bors' palaces,  and  treasures,  and  wives  to  his 
own. 

Divine  Providence,  however,  the  mysterious 
power  that  overrules  all  the  passions  and  im- 
pulses of  men,  and  brings  extended  and  general 
good  out  of  local  and  particular  evil,  has  made 
the  ambition  and  the  selfishness  of  princes  the 
great  means  of  preserving  order  and  government 
among  men.  These  great  ancient  despots,  for 
example,  would  not  have  been  able  to  collect 
their  revenues,  or  enlist  their  armies,  or  pro- 


B.C.  522.]  The  Mother  of  Xerxes.     15 

General  influence  exerted  by  great  sovereigns  upon  the  community. 

cure  supplies  for  their  campaigns,  unless  their 
dominions  were  under  a  regular  and  complete 
system  of  social  organization,  such  as  should  al- 
low all  the  industrial  pursuits  of  commerce  and 
of  agriculture,  throughout  the  mass  of  the  com- 
munity, to  go  regularly  on.  Thus  absolute 
monarehs,  however  ambitious,  and  selfish,  and 
domineering  in  their  characters,  have  a  strong 
personal  interest  in  the  establishment  of  order 
and  of  justice  between  man  and  man  throughout 
all  the  regions  which  are  under  their  sway.  In 
fact,  the  greater  their  ambition,  their  selfish- 
ness, and  their  pride,  the  stronger  will  this  in- 
terest be ;  for,  just  in  proportion  as  order,  in- 
dustry, and  internal  tranquillity  prevail  in  a 
country,  just  in  that  proportion  can  revenues 
be  collected  from  it,  and  armies  raised  and 
maintained. 

It  is  a  mistake,  therefore,  to  suppose  of  the 
great  heroes,  and  sovereigns,  and  conquerors 
that  have  appeared  from  time  to  time  among 
mankind,  that  the  usual  and  ordinary  result  of 
their  influence  and  action  has  been  that  of  dis- 
turbance and  disorganization.  It  is  true  that 
a  vast  amount  of  disturbance  and  disorganiza- 
tion has  often  followed  from  the  march  of  their 
armies,  their  sieges,  their  invasions,  and  the 


16  Xerxes.  [B.C.522. 

Labors  of  great  conquerors.  Caesar. 

other  local  and  temporary  acts  of  violence  which 
they  commit ;  but  these  are  the  exceptions,  not 
the  rule.  It  must  be  that  such  things  are  ex- 
ceptions, since,  in  any  extended  and  general 
view  of  the  subject,  a  much  greater  amount  of 
social  organization,  industry,  and  peace  is  nec- 
essary to  raise  and  maintain  an  army,  than  that 
army  can  itself  destroy.  The  deeds  of  destruc- 
tion which  great  conquerors  perform  attract 
more  attention  and  make  a  greater  impression 
upon  mankind  than  the  quiet,  patient,  and  long- 
continued  labors  by  which  they  perfect  and  ex- 
tend the  general  organization  of  the  social  state. 
But  these  labors,  though  less  noticed  by  men. 
have  really  employed  the  energies  of  great  sov- 
ereigns in  a  far  greater  degree  than  mankind 
have  generally  imagined.  Thus  we  should  de- 
scribe the  work  of  Caesar's  life  in  a  single  word 
more  truly  by  saying  that  he  organized  Eu- 
rope, than  that  he  conquered  it.  His  bridges, 
his  roads,  his  systems  of  jurisprudence,  his  coin- 
age, his  calendar,  and  other  similar  means  and 
instruments  of  social  arrangement,  and  facili- 
ties for  promoting  the  pursuits  of  industry  and 
peace,  mark,  far  more  properly,  the  real  work 
which  that  great  conqueror  performed  among 
mankind,  than  his  battles  and  his  victories. 


B.C.522.]  The  Mother  of  Xerxes.     17 

'Darius.  William  the  Conqueror.  Napoleon. 

Darius  was,  in  the  same  way,  the  organizer  of 
Asia.  William  the  Conqueror  completed,  or, 
rather,  advanced  very  far  toward  completing, 
the  social  organization  of  England ;  and  even 
in  respect  to  Napoleon,  the  true  and  proper  me- 
morial of  his  career  is  the  successful  workino- 
of  the  institutions,  the  systems,  and  the  codes 
which  he  perfected  and  introduced  into  the  so- 
cial state,  and  not  the  brazen  column,  formed 
from  captured  cannon,  which  stands  in  the 
Place  Vendome. 

These  considerations,  obviously  true,  though 
not  always  borne  in  mind,  are,  however,  to  be 
considered  as  making  the  characters  of  the  great 
sovereigns,  in  a  moral  point  of  view,  neither  the 
worse  nor  the  better.  In  all  that  they  did, 
whether  in  arranging  and  systematizing  the 
functions  of  social  life,  or  in  ruthless  deeds  of 
conquest  and  destruction,  they  were  actuated, 
in  a  great  measure,  by  selfish  ambition.  They 
arranged  and  organized  the  social  state  in  order 
to  form  a  more  compact  and  solid  pedestal  for 
the  foundation  of  their  power.  They  maintain- 
ed peace  and  order  among  their  people,  just  as 
a  master  would  suppress  quarrell  among  his 
slaves,  because  peace  among  laborers  is  essen- 
tial to  productive  results.  They  fixed  and  de- 
B 


18  Xerxes.  [B.C.  522. 

Heroes  and  conquerors.  The  main  spring  of  their  action. 

fined  legal  rights,  and  established  courts  to  de- 
termine and  enforce  them ;  they  protected  prop- 
erty; they  counted  and  classified  men;  they 
opened  roads ;  they  built  bridges ;  they  encour- 
aged commerce ;  they  hung  robbers,  and  ex- 
terminated pirates — all,  that  the  collection  of 
their  revenues  and  the  enlistment  of  their  ar- 
mies might  go  on  without  hinderance  or  restric- 
tion. Many  of  them,  indeed,  may  have  been 
animated,  in  some  degree,  by  a  higher  and  no- 
bler sentiment  than  this.  Some  may  have  felt 
a  sort  of  pride  in  the  contemplation  of  a  great, 
and  prosperous,  and  wealthy  empire,  analogous 
to  that  which  a  proprietor  feels  in  surveying  a 
well-conditioned,  successful,  and  productive  es- 
tate. Others,  like  Alfred,  may  have  felt  a  sin- 
cere and  honest  interest  in  the  welfare  of  their 
fellow-men,  and  the  promotion  of  human  hap- 
piness may  have  been,  in  a  greater  or  less  de- 
gree, the  direct  object  of  their  aim.  Still,  it 
can  not  be  denied  that  a  selfish  and  reckless 
ambition  has  been,  in  general,  the  main  spring 
of  action  with  heroes  and  conquerors,  which, 
while  it  aimed  only  at  personal  aggrandizement, 
has  been  made  to  operate,  through  the  peculiar 
mechanism  of  the  social  state  which  the  Divine 
wisdom  has  contrived,  as  a  means,  in  the  main, 


B.C.522.]  The  Mother  of  Xerxes.     19 

Cyrus.  Character  and  career  of  Cambyses. 

of  preserving  and  extending  peace  and  order 
among  mankind,  and  not  of  destroying  them. 

But  to  return  to  Atossa.  Her  father  Cyrus, 
who  laid  the  foundation  of  the  great  Persian 
empire,  was,  for  a  hero  and  conqueror,  tolerably 
considerate  and  just,  and  he  desired,  probably, 
to  promote  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  his  mill- 
ions of  subjects ;  but  his  son  Cambyses,  Atos- 
sa's  brother,  having  been  brought  up  in  expec- 
tation of  succeeding  to  vast  wealth  and  power, 
and  having  been,  as  the  sons  of  the  wealthy 
and  the  powerful  often  are  in  all  ages  of  the 
world,  wholly  neglected  by  his  father  during 
the  early  part  of  his  life,  and  entirely  unaccus- 
tomed to  control,  became  a  wild,  reckless,  proud, 
selfish,  and  ungovernable  young  man.  His  fa- 
ther was  killed  suddenly  in  battle,  as  has  al- 
ready been  stated,  and  Cambyses  succeeded  him. 
Cambyses's  career  was  short,  desperate,  and 
most  tragical  in  its  end.#  In  fact,  he  was  one 
of  the  most  savage,  reckless,  and  abominable 
monsters  that  have  ever  lived. 

It  was  the  custom  in  those  days  for  the  Per- 
sian monarchs  to  have  many  wives,  and,  what 
is  still  more  remarkable,  whenever  any  mon- 

*  His  history  is  given  in  the  first  chapter  of  Darius  the 
Great. 


20  Xerxes.  [B.C.  522. 

Wives  of  Cambyses.  He  marries  his  sister. 

arch  died,  his  successor  inherited  his  predeces- 
sor's family  as  well  as  his  throne.  Cyrus  had 
several  children  by  his  various  wives.  Camby- 
ses and  Smerdis  were  the  only  sons,  but  there 
were  daughters,  among  whom  Atossa  was  the 
most  distinguished.  The  ladies  of  the  court 
were  accustomed  to  reside  in  different  palaces, 
or  in  different  suites  of  apartments  in  the  same 
palace,  so  that  they  lived  in  a  great  measure 
isolated  from  each  other.  When  Cambyses 
came  to  the  throne,  and  thus  entered  into  pos- 
session of  his  father's  palaces,  he  saw  and  fell 
in  love  with  one  of  his  father's  daughters.  He 
wished  to  make  her  one  of  his  wives.  He  was 
accustomed  to  the  unrestricted  indulgence  of 
every  appetite  and  passion,  but  he  seems  to 
have  had  some  slight  misgivings  in  regard  to 
such  a  step  as  this.  He  consulted  the  Persian 
judges.  They  conferred  upon  the  subject,  and 
then  replied  that  they  had  searched  among  the 
laws  of  the  realm,  and  though  they  found  no 
law  allowing  a  man  to  marry  his  sister,  they 
found  many  which  authorized  a  Persian  king 
to  do  whatever  he  pleased. 

Cambyses  therefore  added  the  princess  to 
the  number  of  his  wives,  and  not  long  after- 
ward he  married  another  of  his  father's  daugh- 


B.C.522.]  The  Mother  of  Xerxes.     21 

Death  of  Cambyses.  Smerdis  the  magian. 

ters  in  the  same  way.  One  of  these  princesses 
was  Atossa. 

Cambyses  invaded  Egypt,  and  in  the  course 
of  his  mad  career  in  that  country  he  killed  his 
brother  Smerdis  and  one  of  his  sisters,  and  at 
length  was  killed  himself.  Atossa  escaped  the 
dangers  of  this  stormy  and  terrible  reign,  and 
returned  safely  to  Susa  after  Cambyses's  death. 

Smerdis,  the  brother  of  Cambyses,  would 
have  been  Cambyses's  successor  if  he  had  sur- 
vived him  ;  but  he  had  been  privately  assassin- 
ated by  Cambyses's  orders,  though  his  death 
had  been  kept  profoundly  secret  by  those  who 
had  perpetrated  the  deed.  There  was  another 
Smerdis  in  Susa,  the  Persian  capital,  who  was 
a  magian — that  is,  a  sort  of  priest — in  whose 
hands,  as  regent,  Cambyses  had  left  the  gov- 
ernment while  he  was  absent  on  his  campaigns. 
This  magian  Smerdis  accordingly  conceived  the 
plan  of  usurping  the  throne,  as  if  he  were 
Smerdis  the  prince,  resorting  to  a  great  many 
ingenious  and  cunning  schemes  to  conceal  his 
deception.  Among  his  other  plans,  one  was  to 
keep  himself  wholly  sequestered  from  public 
view,  with  a  few  favorites,  such,  especially,  as 
had  not  personally  known  Smerdis  the  prince. 
In  the  same  manner  he  secluded  from  each  oth- 


22  Xerxes.  [B.C.  522. 

Cunning  of  Smerdis.  His  feeling  of  insecurity. 

er  and  from  himself  all  who  had  known  Smer- 
dis, in  order  to  prevent  their  conferring  with 
one  another,  or  communicating  to  each  other 
any  suspicions  which  they  might  chance  to  en- 
tertain. Such  seclusion,  so  far  as  related  to 
the  ladies  of  the  royal  family,  was  not  unusual 
after  the  death  of  a  king,  and  Smerdis  did  not 
deviate  from  the  ordinary  custom,  except  to 
make  the  isolation  and  confinement  of  the  prin- 
cesses and  queens  more  rigorous  and  strict  than 
common.  By  means  of  this  policy  he  was  en- 
abled to  go  on  for  some  months  without  detec- 
tion, living  all  the  while  in  the  greatest  luxury 
and  splendor,  but  at  the  same  time  in  absolute 
seclusion,  and  in  unceasing  anxiety  and  fear. 

One  chief  source  of  his  solicitude  was  lest  he 
should  be  detected  by  means  of  his  ears  !  Some 
years  before,  when  he  was  in  a  comparatively 
obscure  position,  he  had  in  some  way  or  other 
offended  his  sovereign,  and  was  punished  by 
having  his  ears  cut  off.  It  was  necessary, 
therefore,  to  keep  the  marks  of  this  mutilation 
carefully  concealed  by  means  of  his  hair  and 
his  head-dress,  and  even  with  these  precautions 
he  could  never  feel  perfectly  secure. 

At  last  one  of  the  nobles  of  the  court,  a  sa- 
gacious and  observing  man,  suspected  the  im- 


B.C.522.]  The  Mother  of  Xerxes.     23 

Smerdis  suspected.  His  imposture  discovered. 

posture.  He  had  no  access  to  Smerdis  himself, 
but  his  daughter,  whose  name  was  Phaedyma, 
was  one  of  Smerdis's  wives.  The  nobleman 
was  excluded  from  all  direct  intercourse  with 
Smerdis,  and  even  with  his  daughter ;  but  he 
contrived  to  send  word  to  his  daughter,  inquir- 
ing whether  her  husband  was  the  true  Smerdis 
or  not.  She  replied  that  she  did  not  know,  in- 
asmuch as  she  had  never  seen  any  other  Smer- 
dis, if,  indeed,  there  had  been  another.  The 
nobleman  then  attempted  to  communicate  with 
Atossa,  but  he  found  it  impossible  to  do  so. 
Atossa  had,  of  course,  known  her  brother  well, 
and  was  on  that  very  account  very  closely  se- 
cluded by  the  magian.  As  a  last  resort,  the 
nobleman  sent  to  his  daughter  a  request  that 
she  would  watch  for  an  opportunity  to  feel  for 
her  husband's  ears  while  he  was  asleep.  He 
admitted  that  this  would  be  a  dangerous  at- 
tempt, but  his  daughter,  he  said,  ought  to  be 
willing  to  make  it,  since,  if  her  pretended  hus- 
band were  really  an  impostor,  she  ought  to  take 
even  a  stronger  interest  than  others  in  his  de- 
tection. Phsedyma  was  at  first  afraid  to  under- 
take so  dangerous  a  commission;  but  she  at 
length  ventured  to  do  so,  and,  by  passing  her 
hand  under  his  turban  one  night,  while  he  was 


24  Xerxes.  [B.C.  522. 

Death  of  Smerdis.  Succession  of  Darius.  Atossa's  sickness. 

sleeping  on  his  couch,  she  found  that  the  ears 
were  gone.# 

The  consequence  of  this  discovery  was,  that 
a  conspiracy  was  formed  to  dethrone  and  de- 
stroy the  usurper.  The  plot  was  successful. 
Smerdis  was  killed ;  his  imprisoned  queens 
were  set  free,  and  Darius  was  raised  to  the 
throne  in  his  stead. 

Atossa  now,  by  that  strange  principle  of  suc- 
cession which  has  been  already  alluded  to,  be- 
came the  wife  of  Darius,  and  she  figures  fre- 
quently and  conspicuously  in  history  during  his 
long  and  splendid  reign. 

Her  name  is  brought  into  notice  in  one  case 
in  a  remarkable  manner,  in  connection  with  an 
expedition  which  Darius  sent  on  an  exploring 
tour  into  Greece  and  Italy.  She  was  herself 
the  means,  in  fact,  of  sending  the  expedition. 
She  was  sick ;  and  after  suffering  secretly  and 
in  silence  as  long  as  possible — the  nature  of  her 
complaint  being  such  as  to  make  her  unwilling 
to  speak  of  it  to  others — she  at  length  determ- 
ined to  consult  a  Greek  physician  who  had  been 
brought  to  Persia  as  a  captive,  and  had  acquir- 
ed great  celebrity  at  Susa  by  his  medical  sci- 

*  For  a  more  particular  account  of  the  transaction,  and  for 
an  engraving  illustrating  this  scene,  see  the  history  of  Darius. 


B.C.520.]  The  Mother  of  Xerxes.     25 

The  Greek  physician.  Atossa's  promise. 

ence  and  skill.  The  physician  said  that  he 
would  undertake  her  case  on  condition  that  she 
would  promise  to  grant  him  a  certain  request 
that  he  would  make.  She  wished  to  know 
what  it  was  beforehand,  but  the  physician  would 
not  tell  her.  He  said,  however,  that  it  was 
nothing  that  it  would  be  in  any  way  derogatory 
to  her  honor  to  grant  him. 

On  these  conditions  Atossa  concluded  to 
agree  to  the  physician's  proposals.  He  made 
her  take  a  solemn  oath  that,  if  he  cured  her  of 
her  malady,  she  would  do  whatever  he  required 
of  her,  provided  that  it  was  consistent  with  hon- 
or and  propriety.  He  then  took  her  case  under 
his  charge,  prescribed  for  her  and  attended  her, 
and  in  due  time  she  was  cured.  The  physician 
then  told  her  that  what  he  wished  her  to  do  for 
him  was  to  find  some  means  to  persuade  Darius 
to  send  him  home  to  his  native  land. 

Atossa  was  faithful  in  fulfilling  her  promise. 
She  took  a  private  opportunity,  when  she  was 
alone  with  Darius,  to  propose  that  he  should 
engage  in  some  plans  of  foreign  conquest.  She 
reminded  him  of  the  vastness  of  the  military 
power  which  was  at  his  disposal,  and  of  the  fa- 
cility with  which,  by  means  of  it,  he  might  ex- 
tend his  dominions.     She  extolled,  too,  his  ge- 


26  Xerxes.  [B.C.  520. 

Atossa's  conversation  with  Darius.  Success  of  her  plans. 

nius  and  energy,  and  endeavored  to  inspire  in 
his  mind  some  ambitious  desires  to  distinguish 
himself  in  the  estimation  of  mankind  by  bring- 
ing his  capacities  for  the  performance  of  great 
deeds  into  action. 

Darius  listened  to  these  suggestions  of  Atos- 
sa  with  interest  and  with  evident  pleasure.  He 
said  that  he  had  been  forming  some  such  plans 
himself.  He  was  going  to  build  a  bridge  across 
the  Hellespont  or  the  Bosporus,  to  unite  Europe 
and  Asia;  and  he  was  also  going  to  make  an 
incursion  into  the  country  of  the  Scythians,  the 
people  by  whom  Cyrus,  his  great  predecessor, 
had  been  defeated  and  slain.  It  would  be  a 
great  glory  for  him,  he  said,  to  succeed  in  a  con- 
quest in  which  Cyrus  had  so  totally  failed. 

But  these  plans  would  not  answer  the  pur- 
pose which  Atossa  had  in  view.  She  urged  her 
husband,  therefore,  to  postpone  his  invasion  of 
the  Scythians  till  some  future  time,  and  first 
conquer  the  Greeks,  and  annex  their  territory 
to  his  dominions.  The  Scythians,  she  said, 
were  savages,  and  their  country  not  worth  the 
cost  of  conquering  it,  while  Greece  would  con- 
stitute a  noble  prize.  She  urged  the  invasion 
of  Greece,  too,  rather  than  Scythia,  as  a  per- 
sonal favor  to  herself,  for  she  had  been  want- 


B.C.520.]  The  Mother  of  Xerxes.     27 

The  expedition  to  Greece.  Escape  of  the  physician. 

ing,  she  said,  some  slaves  from  Greece  for  a 
long  time — some  of  the  women  of  Sparta,  of 
Corinth,  and  of  Athens,  of  whose  graces  and 
accomplishments  she  had  heard  so  much. 

There  was  something  gratifying  to  the  mili- 
tary vanity  of  Darius  in  being  thus  requested 
to  make  an  incursion  to  another  continent,  and 
undertake  the  conquest  of  the  mightiest  nation 
of  the  earth,  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  accom- 
plished waiting-maids  to  offer  as  a  present  to 
his  queen.  He  became  restless  and  excited 
while  listening  to  Atossa's  proposals,  and  to  the 
arguments  with  which  she  enforced  them,  and 
it  was  obvious  that  he  was  very  strongly  inclin- 
ed to  accede  to  her  views.  He  finally  conclud- 
ed to  send  a  commission  into  Greece  to  explore 
the  country,  and  to  bring  back  a  report  on  their 
return ;  and  as  he  decided  to  make  the  Greek 
physician  the  guide  of  the  expedition,  Atossa 
gained  her  end. 

A  full  account  of  this  expedition,  and  of  the 
various  adventures  which  the  party  met  with 
on  their  voyage,  is  given  in  our  history  of  Da- 
rius. It  may  be  proper  to  say  here,  however, 
that  the  physician  fully  succeeded  in  his  plans 
of  making  his  escape.  He  pretended,  at  first, 
to   be   unwilling  to  go ;    and  he   made   only 


28  Xerxes.  [B.C.  485. 

Atossa's  four  sons.  Artobazanes. 

the  most  temporary  arrangements  in  respect  to 
the  conduct  of  his  affairs  while  he  should  be 
gone,  in  order  to  deceive  the  king  in  regard  to 
his  intentions  of  not  returning.  The  king,  on 
his  part,  resorted  to  some  stratagems  to  ascer- 
tain whether  the  physician  was  sincere  in  his 
professions,  but  he  did  not  succeed  in  detecting 
the  artifice,  and  so  the  party  went  away.  The 
physician  never  returned. 

Atossa  had  four  sons.  Xerxes  was  the  eld- 
est of  them.  He  was  not,  however,  the  eldest 
of  the  sons  of  Darius,  as  there  were  other  sons, 
the  children  of  another  wife,  whom  Darius  had 
married  before  he  ascended  the  throne.  The 
oldest  of  these  children  was  named  Artobaza- 
nes. Artobazanes  seems  to  have  been  a  prince 
of  an  amiable  and  virtuous  character,  and  not 
particularly  ambitious  and  aspiring  in  his  dis- 
position, although,  as  he  was  the  eldest  son  of 
his  father,  he  claimed  to  be  his  heir.  Atossa 
did  not  admit  the  validity  of  this  claim,  but 
maintained  that  the  oldest  of  her  children  was 
entitled  to  the  inheritance. 

It  became  necessary  to  decide  this  question 
before  Darius's  death ;  for  Darius,  in  the  pros- 
ecution of  a  war  in  which  he  was  engaged, 
formed  the  design  of  accompanying  his  army 


B.C. 485.]  The  Mother  of  Xerxes.     29 

Dispute  about  the  succession.  Xerxes  and  Artobazanes. 

on  an  expedition  into  Greece,  and,  before  doing 
this,  he  was  bound,  according  to  the  laws  and 
usages  of  the  Persian  realm,  to  regulate  the 
succession. 

There  immediately  arose  an  earnest  dispute 
between  the  friends  and  partisans  of  Artobaza- 
nes and  Xerxes,  each  side  urging  very  eagerly 
the  claims  of  its  own  candidate.  The  mother 
and  the  friends  of  Artobazanes  maintained  that 
he  was  the  oldest  son,  and,  consequently,  the 
heir.  Atossa,  on  the  other  hand,  contended 
that  Xerxes  was  the  grandson  of  Cyrus,  and 
that  he  derived  from  that  circumstance  the 
highest  possible  hereditary  rights  to  the  Persian 
throne. 

This  was  in  some  respects  true,  for  Cyrus 
had  been  the  founder  of  the  empire  and  the  le- 
gitimate monarch,  while  Darius  had  no  heredit- 
ary claims.  He  was  originally  a  noble,  of  high 
rank,  indeed,  but  not  of  the  royal  line  ;  and  he 
had  been  designated  as  Cyrus's  successor  in  a 
time  of  revolution,  because  there  was,  at  that 
time,  no  prince  of  the  royal  family  who  could 
take  the  inheritance.  Those,  therefore,  who 
were  disposed  to  insist  on  the  claims  of  a  legit- 
imate hereditary  succession,  might  very  plaus- 
ibly claim  that  Darius's  government  had  been 


30  Xerxes.  [B.C.  485. 

The  arguments.  Influence  of  Atossa. 

a  regency  rather  than  a  reign ;  that  Xerxes,  be- 
ing the  oldest  son  of  Atossa,  Cyrus's  daughter, 
was  the  true  representative  of  the  royal  line ; 
and  that,  although  it  might  not  be  expedient  to 
disturb  the  possession  of  Darius  during  his  life- 
time, yet  that,  at  his  death,  Xerxes  was  un- 
questionably entitled  to  the  throne. 

There  was  obviously  a  great  deal  of  truth 
and  justice  in  this  reasoning,  and  yet  it  was  a 
view  of  the  subject  not  likely  to  be  very  agree- 
able to  Darius,  since  it  seemed  to  deny  the  ex- 
istence of  any  real  and  valid  title  to  the  sover- 
eignty in  him.  It  assigned  the  crown,  at  his 
death,  not  to  his  son  as  such,  but  to  his  prede- 
cessor's grandson  ;  for  though  Xerxes  was  both 
the  son  of  Darius  and  the  grandson  of  Cyrus,  it 
was  in  the  latter  capacity  that  he  was  regarded 
as  entitled  to  the  crown  in  the  argument  refer- 
red to  above.  The  doctrine  was  very  gratify- 
ing to  the  pride  of  Atossa,  for  it  made  Xerxes 
the  successor  to  the  crown  as  her  son  and  heir, 
and  not  as  the  son  and  heir  of  her  husband. 
For  this  very  reason  it  was  likely  to  be  not  very 
gratifying  to  Darius.  He  hesitated  very  much 
in  respect  to  adopting  it.  Atossa's  ascendency 
over  his  mind,  and  her  influence  generally  in 
the  Persian  court,  was  almost  overwhelming, 


B.C. 485.]  The  Mother  of  Xerxes.     31 

The  Spartan  fugitive.  His  views  of  the  succession. 

and  yet  Darius  was  very  unwilling  to  seem,  by 
giving  to  the  oldest  grandson  of  Cyrus  the  pre- 
cedence over  his  own  eldest  son,  to  admit  that 
he  himself  had  no  legitimate  and  proper  title  to 
the  throne. 

While  things  were  in  this  state,  a  Greek, 
named  Demaratus,  arrived  at  Susa.  He  was 
a  dethroned  prince  from  Sparta,  and  had  fled 
from  the  political  storms  of  his  own  country  to 
seek  refuge  in  Darius's  capital.  Demaratus 
found  a  way  to  reconcile  Darius's  pride  as  a 
sovereign  with  his  personal  preferences  as  a 
husband  and  a  father.  He  told  the  king  that, 
according  to  the  principles  of  hereditary  succes- 
sion which  were  adopted  in  Greece,  Xerxes  was 
his  heir  as  well  as  Cyrus's,  for  he  was  the  old- 
est son  who  was  born  after  Ms  accession.  A 
son,  he  said,  according  to  the  Greek  ideas  on 
the  subject,  was  entitled  to  inherit  only  such 
rank  as  his  father  held  when  the  son  was  born  ; 
and  that,  consequently,  none  of  his  children  who 
had  been  born  before  his  accession  could  have 
any  claims  to  the  Persian  throne.  Artobaza- 
nes,  in  a  word,  was  to  be  regarded,  he  said, 
only  as  the  son  of  Darius  the  noble,  while  Xerx- 
es was  the  son  of  Darius  the  king. 

In  the  end  Darius  adopted  this  view,  and  des- 


32  Xerxes.  [B.C.  485. 

The  decision.  Death  of  Darius. 

ignated  Xerxes  as  his  successor  in  case  he 
should  not  return  from  his  distant  expedition. 
He  did  not  return.  He  did  not  even  live  to  set 
out  upon  it.  Perhaps  the  question  of  the  suc- 
cession had  not  been  absolutely  and  finally  set- 
tled, for  it  arose  again  and  was  discussed  anew 
when  the  death  of  Darius  occurred.  The  man- 
ner in  which  it  was  finally  disposed  of  will  be 
described  in  the  next  chapter. 


B.C. 484.]   Egypt  and  Greece.  33 

Xerxes  assumes  the  crown.  His  message  to  Artobazanes. 


Chapter  II. 

Egypt  and  Greece. 

FT! HE  arrangements  which  Darius  had  made 
-*-  to  fix  and  determine  the  succession,  before 
his  death,  did  not  entirely  prevent  the  question 
from  arising  again  when  his  death  occurred. 
Xerxes  was  on  the  spot  at  the  time,  and  at  once 
assumed  the  royal  functions.  -His  brother  was 
absent.  Xerxes  sent  a  messenger  to  Artobaza- 
nes* informing  him  of  their  father's  death,  and 
of  his  intention  of  assuming  the  crown.  He 
said,  however,  that  if  he  did  so,  he  should  give 
his  brother  the  second  rank,  making  him,  in  all  * 
respects,  next  to  himself  in  office  and  honor. 
He  sent,  moreover,  a  great  many  splendid  pres- 
ents to  Artobazanes,  to  evince  the  friendly  re- 
gard which  he  felt  for  him,  and  to  propitiate 
his  favor. 

Artobazanes  sent  back  word  to  Xerxes  that 
he  thanked  him  for  his  presents,  and  that  he 
accepted  them  with  pleasure.     He  said  that  he 

*  Plutarch,  who  gives  an  account  of  these  occurrences,  va- 
ries the  orthography  of  the  name.  We,  however,  retain  the 
name  as  given  by  Herodotus. 

c 


34  Xerxes.  [B.C.  484. 

Question  of  the  succession  again  debated. 

considered  himself,  nevertheless,  as  justly  en- 
titled to  the  crown,  though  he  should,  in  the 
event  of  his  accession,  treat  all  his  brothers,  and 
especially  Xerxes,  with  the  utmost  considera- 
tion and  respect. 

Soon  after  these  occurrences,  Artobazanes 
came  to  Media,  where  Xerxes  was,  and  the 
question  which  of  them  should  be  the  king  was 
agitated  anew  among  the  nobles  of  the  court. 
In  the  end,  a  public  hearing  of  the  cause  was 
had  before  Artabanus,  a  brother  of  Darius,  and, 
of  course,  an  uncle  of  the  contending  princes. 
The  question  seems  to  have  been  referred  to 
him,  either  because  he  held  some  public  office 
which  made  it  his  duty  to  consider  and  decide 
such  a  question,  or  else  because  he  had  been 
specially  commissioned  to  act  as  judge  in  this 
particular  case.  Xerxes  was  at  first  quite  un- 
willing to  submit  his  claims  to  the  decision  of 
such  a  tribunal.  The  crown  was,  as  he  main- 
tained, rightfully  his.  He  thought  that  the  pub- 
lic voice  was  generally  in  his  favor.  Then,  be- 
sides, he  was  already  in  possession  of  the  throne, 
and  by  consenting  to  plead  his  cause  before  his 
uncle,  he  seemed  to  be  virtually  abandoning  all 
this  vantage  ground,  and  trusting  instead  to 
the  mere  chance  of  Artabanus's  decision. 


B.C. 484.]   Egypt  and  Greece.  35 

Advice  of  Atossa.  Decision  of  Artabanus. 

Atossa,  however,  recommended  to  him  to  ac- 
cede to  the  plan  of  referring  the  question  to  Ar- 
tabanus. He  would  consider  the  subject,  she 
said,  with  fairness  and  impartiality,  and  decide 
it  right.  She  had  no  doubt  that  he  would  de- 
cide it  in  Xerxes's  favor ;  "  and  if  he  does  not," 
she  added,  "  and  you  lose  your  cause,  you  only 
become  the  second  man  in  the  kingdom  instead 
of  the  first,  and  the  difference  is  not  so  very 
great,  after  all." 

Atossa  may  have  had  some  secret  intimation 
how  Artabanus  would  decide. 

However  this  may  be,  Xerxes  at  length  con- 
cluded to  submit  the  question.  A  solemn  court 
was  held,  and  the  case  was  argued  in  the  pres- 
ence of  all  the  nobles  and  great  officers  of  state. 
A  throne  was  at  hand  to  which  the  successful 
competitor  was  to  be  conducted  as  soon  as  the 
decision  should  be  made.  Artabanus  heard  the 
arguments,  and  decided  in  favor  of  Xerxes. 
Artobazanes,  his  brother,  acquiesced  in  the  de- 
cision with  the  utmost  readiness  and  good  hu- 
mor. He  was  the  first  to  bow  before  the  king 
in  token  of  homage,  and  conducted  him,  him- 
self, to  the  throne. 

Xerxes  kept  his  promise  faithfully  of  making 
his  brother  the  second  in  his  kingdom.    He  ap- 


36  Xerxes.  [B.C.  484. 

Unfinished  wars  of  Darius.  Egypt  and  Greece. 

pointed  him  to  a  very  high  command  in  the 
army,  and  Artobazanes,  on  his  part,  served  the 
king  with  great  zeal  and  fidelity,  until  he  was 
at  last  killed  in  battle,  in  the  manner  hereafter 
to  be  described. 

As  soon  as  Xerxes  found  himself  established 
on  his  throne,  he  was  called  upon  to  decide  im- 
mediately a  great  question,  namely,  which  of 
two  important  wars  in  which  his  father  had 
been  engaged  he  should  first  undertake  to  pros- 
ecute, the  war  in  Egypt  or  the  war  in  Greece. 

By  referring  to  the  map,  the  reader  will  see 
that,  as  the  Persian  empire  extended  westward 
to  Asia  Minor  and  to  the  coasts  of  the  Medi- 
terranean Sea,  the  great  countries  which  border- 
ed upon  it  in  this  direction  were,  on  the  north, 
Greece,  and  on  the  south,  Egypt;  the  one  in 
Europe,  and  the  other  in  Africa.  The  Greeks 
and  the  Egyptians  were  both  wealthy  and  pow- 
erful, and  the  countries  which  they  respectively 
inhabited  were  fertile  and  beautiful  beyond  ex- 
pression, and  yet  in  all  their  essential  features 
and  characteristics  they  were  extremely  dissim- 
ilar. Egypt  was  a  long  and  narrow  inland 
valley.  Greece  reposed,  as  it  were,  in  the  bo- 
som of  the  sea,  consisting,  as  it  did,  of  an  end- 
less number  of  islands,  promontories,  peninsu- 


B.C. 484.]   Egypt  and  Greece.  37 

Character  of  the  Egyptians.  Character  of  the  Greeks. 

las,  and  winding  coasts,  laved  on  every  side  by 
the  blue  waters  of  the  Mediterranean.  Egypt 
was  a  plain,  diversified  only  by  the  varieties  of 
vegetation,  and  by  the  towns  and  villages,  and 
the  enormous  monumental  structures  which 
had  been  erected  by  man.  Greece  was  a  pictur- 
esque and  ever-changing  scene  of  mountains 
and  valleys ;  of  precipitous  cliffs,  winding  beach- 
es, rocky  capes,  and  lofty  headlands.  The  char- 
acter and  genius  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  two 
countries  took  their  cast,  in  each  case,  from  the 
physical  conformations  of  the  soil.  The  Egyp- 
tians were  a  quiet,  gentle,  and  harmless  race  of 
tillers  of  the  ground.  They  spent  their  lives  in 
pumping  water  from  the  river,  in  the  patient, 
persevering  toil  of  sowing  smooth  and  mellow 
fields,  or  in  reaping  the  waving  grain.  The 
Greeks  drove  flocks  and  herds  up  and  down  the 
declivities  of  the  mountains,  or  hunted  wild 
beasts  in  forests  and  fastnesses.  They  con- 
structed galleys  for  navigating  the  seas;  they 
worked  the  mines  and  manufactured  metals. 
They  built  bridges,  citadels,  temples,  and  towns, 
and  sculptured  statuary  from  marble  blocks 
which  they  chiseled  from  the  strata  of  the 
mountains.  It  is  surprising  what  a  difference 
is  made  in  the  genius  and  charaoter  of  man  by 


38  Xerxes.  [B.C.  484. 

Architecture.  Monuments  of  Greece. 

elevations,  here  and  there,  of  a  few  thousand 
feet  in  the  country  where  his  genius  and  char- 
acter are  formed. 

The  architectural  wonders  of  Egypt  and  of 
Greece  were  as  diverse  from  each  other  as  the 
natural  features  of  the  soil,  and  in  each  case  the 
structures  were  in  keeping  and  in  harmony 
with  the  character  of  the  landscape  which  they 
respectively  adorned.  The  harmony  was,  how- 
ever, that  of  contrast,  and  not  of  correspond- 
ence. In  Greece,  where  the  landscape  itself 
was  grand  and  sublime,  the  architect  aimed 
only  at  beauty.  To  have  aimed  at  magnitude 
and  grandeur  in  human  structures  among  the 
mountains,  the  cliffs,  the  cataracts,  and  the  re- 
sounding ocean  shores  of  Greece,  would  have 
been  absurd.  The  Grecian  artists  were  deter- 
red by  their  unerring  instincts  from  the  at- 
tempt. They  accordingly  built  beautiful  tem- 
ples, whose  white  and  symmetrical  colonnades 
adorned  the  declivities,  or  crowned  the  summits 
of  the  hills.  They  sculptured  statues,  to  be 
placed  on  pedestals  in  groves  and  gardens  ;  they 
constructed  fountains  ;  they  raised  bridges  and 
aqueducts  on  long  ranges  of  arches  and  piers ; 
and  the  summits  of  ragged  rocks  crystallized, 
as  it  were,  under  their  hands  into  towers,  bat- 


B.C.  484.]  Egypt  and  Greece.  39 

Egyptian  architecture.  Form  of  Egypt. 

tlements,  and  walls.  In  Egypt,  on  the  other 
hand,  where  the  country  itself  was  a  level  and 
unvarying  plain,  the  architecture  took  forms  of 
prodigious  magnitude,  of  lofty  elevation,  and  of 
vast  extent.  There  were  ranges  of  enormous 
columns,  colossal  statues,  towering  obelisks,  and 
pyramids  rising  like  mountains  from  the  verd- 
ure of  the  plain.  Thus,  while  nature  gave  to 
the  country  its  elements  of  beauty,  man  com- 
pleted the  landscape  by  adding  to  it  the  grand 
and  the  sublime. 

The  shape  and  proportions  of  Egypt  would 
be  represented  by  a  green  ribbon  an  inch  wide 
and  a  yard  long,  lying  upon  the  ground  in  a 
serpentine  form ;  and  to  complete  the  model,  we 
might  imagine  a  silver  filament  passing  along 
the  center  of  the  green  to  denote  the  Nile.  The 
real  valley  of  verdure,  however,  is  not  of  uni- 
form breadth,  like  the  ribbon  so  representing  it, 
but  widens  as  it  approaches  the  sea,  as  if  there 
had  been  originally  a  gulf  or  estuary  there,  which 
the  sediment  from  the  river  had  filled. 

In  fact,  the  rich  and  fertile  plain  which  the 
alluvial  deposits  of  the  Nile  have  formed,  has 
been  protruded  for  some  distance  into  the  sea, 
and  the  stream  divides  itself  into  three  great 
branches  about  a  hundred  miles  from  its  mouth, 


40  Xerxes.  [B.C.  484. 

Delta  of  the  Nile.  Fertility  of  Egypt. 

two  outermost  of  which,  with  the  sea-coast  in 
front,  inclose  a  vast  triangle,  which  was  called 
the  Delta,  from  the  Greek  letter  delta,  A,  which 
is  of  a  triangular  form.  In  ascending  the  riv- 
er beyond  the  Delta,  the  fertile  plain,  at  first 
twenty-five  or  thirty  miles  wide,  grows  gradu- 
ally narrower,  as  the  ranges  of  barren  hills  and 
tracts  of  sandy  deserts  on  either  hand  draw 
nearer  and  nearer  to  the  river.  Thus  the  coun- 
try consists  of  two  long  lines  of  rich  and  fer- 
tile intervals,  one  on  each  side  of  the  stream. 
In  the  time  of  Xerxes  the  whole  extent  was 
densely  populated,  every  little  elevation  of  the 
land  being  covered  with  a  village  or  a  town. 
The  inhabitants  tilled  the  land,  raising  upon  it 
vast  stores  of  corn,  much  of  which  was  floated 
down  the  river  to  its  mouth,  and  taken  thence 
to  various  countries  of  Europe  and  Asia,  in 
merchant  ships,  over  the  Mediterranean  Sea. 
Caravans,  too,  sometimes  came  across  the  neigh- 
boring deserts  to  obtain  supplies  of  Egyptian 
corn.  This  was  done  by  the  sons  of  Jacob  when 
the  crops  failed  them  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  as 
related  in  the  sacred  Scriptures. 

There  were  two  great  natural  wonders  in 
Egypt  in  ancient  times  as  now :  first,  it  never 
rained  there,  or,  at  least,  so  seldom,  that  rain 


B.C. 484.]   Egypt  and  Greece.  41 

No  rain  in  Egypt.  Rising  of  the  Nile. 

was  regarded  as  a  marvelous  phenomenon,  in- 
terrupting the  ordinary  course  of  nature,  like 
an  earthquake  in  England  or  America.  The 
falling  of  drops  of  water  out  of  clouds  in  the 
sky  was  an  occurrence  so  strange,  so  unaccount- 
able, that  the  whole  population  regarded  it  with 
astonishment  and  awe.  With  the  exception  of 
these  rare  and  wonder-exciting  instances,  there 
was  no  rain,  no  snow,  no  hail,  no  clouds  in  the 
sky.  The  sun  was  always  shining,  and  the 
heavens  were  always  serene.  These  meteoro- 
logical characteristics  of  the  country,  resulting, 
as  they  do,  from  permanent  natural  causes,  con- 
tinue, of  course,  unchanged  to  the  present  day ; 
and  the  Arabs  who  live  now  along  the  banks 
of  the  river,  keep  their  crops,  when  harvested, 
in  heaps  in  the  open  air,  and  require  no  roofs  to 
their  huts  except  a  light  covering  of  sheaves  to 
protect  the  inmates  from  the  sun. 

The  other  natural  wonder  of  Egypt  was  the 
annual  rising  of  the  Nile.  About  midsummer, 
the  peasantry  who  lived  along  the  banks  would 
find  the  river  gradually  beginning  to  rise.  The 
stream  became  more  turbid,  too,  as  the  bosom 
of  the  waters  swelled.  No  cause  for  this  mys- 
terious increase  appeared,  as  the  sky  remained 
as  blue  and  serene  as  before,  and  the  sun,  then 


42  Xerxes.  [B.C.  484. 

Preparations  for  the  inundation.  Gradual  rise  of  the  water. 

nearly  vertical,  continued  to  shine  with  even 
more  than  its  wonted  splendor.  The  inhabit- 
ants, however,  felt  no  surprise,  and  asked  for 
no  explanation  of  the  phenomenon.  It  was  the 
common  course  of  nature  at  that  season.  They 
had  all  witnessed  it,  year  after  year,  from  child- 
hood. They,  of  course,  looked  for  it  when  the 
proper  month  came  round,  and,  though  they 
would  have  been  amazed  if  the  annual -flood  had 
failed,  they  thought  nothing  extraordinary  of 
its  coming. 

When  the  swelling  of  the  waters  and  the 
gradual  filling  of  the  channels  and  low  grounds 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  river  warned  the  peo- 
ple that  the  flood  was  at  hand,  they  all  engaged 
busily  in  the  work  of  completing  their  prepara- 
tions. The  harvests  were  all  gathered  from  the 
fields,  and  the  vast  stores  of  fruit  and  corn 
which  they  yielded  were  piled  in  roofless  gran- 
aries, built  on  every  elevated  spot  of  ground, 
where  they  would  be  safe  from  the  approach- 
ing inundation.  The  rise  of  the  water  was  very 
gradual  and  slow.  Streams  began  to  flow  in 
all  directions  over  the  land.  Ponds  and  lakes, 
growing  every  day  more  and  more  extended, 
spread  mysteriously  over  the  surface  of  the 
meadows ;  and  all  the  time  while  this  delude 


B.C. 484.]   Egypt  and  Greece.  43 

Appearance  of  the  country  during  an  inundation. 

of  water  was  rising  to  submerge  the  land,  the 
air  continued  dry,  the  sun  was  sultry,  and  the 
sky  was  without  a  cloud. 

As  the  flood  continued  to  rise,  the  proportion 
of  land  and  water,  and  the  conformation  of  the 
irregular  and  temporary  shores  which  separated 
them,  were  changed  continually,  from  day  to 
day.  The  inhabitants  assembled  in  their  vil- 
lages, which  were  built  on  rising  grounds,  some 
natural,  others  artificially  formed.  The  waters 
rose  more  and  more,  until  only  these  crowded 
islands  appeared  above  its  surface — when,  at 
length,  the  valley  presented  to  the  view  the 
spectacle  of  a  vast  expanse  of  water,  calm  as  a 
summer's  sea,  brilliant  with  the  reflected  rays 
of  a  tropical  sun,  and  canopied  by  a  sky,  which, 
displaying  its  spotless  blue  by  day  and  its 
countless  stars  at  night,  was  always  cloudless 
and  serene. 

The  inundation  was  at  its  height  in  October. 
After  that  period  the  waters  gradually  subsid- 
ed, leaving  a  slimy  and  very  fertilizing  deposit 
all  over  the  lands  which  they  had  covered. 
Though  the  inhabitants  themselves,  who  had 
been  accustomed  to  this  overflow  from  infancy, 
felt  no  wonder  or  curiosity  about  its  cause,  the 
philosophers  of  the  day,  and  travelers  from  oth- 


44  Xerxes.  [B.C.  484. 

The  three  theories.  Objections  to  the  first. 

er  countries  who  visited  Egypt,  made  many  at- 
tempts to  seek  an  explanation  of  the  phenome- 
non. They  had  three  theories  on  the  subject, 
which  Herodotus  mentions  and  discusses. 

The  first  explanation  was,  that  the  rising  of 
the  river  was  occasioned  by  the  prevalence  of 
northerly  winds  on  the  Mediterranean  at  that 
time  of  the  year,  which  drove  back  the  waters 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  so  caused  the  ac- 
cumulation of  the  water  in  the  upper  parts  of 
the  valley.  Herodotus  thought  that  this  was 
not  a  satisfactory  explanation ;  for  sometimes, 
as  he  said,  these  northerly  winds  did  not  blow, 
and  yet  the  rising  of  the  river  took  place  none 
the  less  when  the  appointed  season  came.  Be- 
sides, there  were  other  rivers  similarly  situated 
in  respect  to  the  influence  of  prevailing  winds 
at  sea  in  driving  in  the  waters  at  their  mouths, 
which  were,  nevertheless,  not  subject  to  inun- 
dations like  the  Nile. 

The  second  theory  was,  that  the  Nile  took 
its  rise,  not,  like  other  rivers,  in  inland  lakes,  or 
among  inland  mountains,  but  in  some  remote 
and  unknown  ocean  on  the  other  side  of  the 
continent,  which  ocean  the  advocates  of  this 
theory  supposed  might  be  subject  to  some  great 
annual  ebb  and  flow;  and  from  this  it  might 


B.C. 484]   Egypt  and  Greece.  45 

Second  and  third  theories.  Reasons  against  them. 

result  that  at  stated  periods  an  unusual  tide  of 
waters  might  be  poured  into  the  channel  of  the 
river.  This,  however,  could  not  be  true,  for  the 
waters  of  the  inundation  were  fresh,  not  salt, 
which  proved  that  they  were  not  furnished  by 
any  ocean. 

A  third  hypothesis  was,  that  the  rising  of 
the  water  was  occasioned  by  the  melting  of  the 
snows  in  summer  on  the  mountains  from  which 
the  sources  of  the  river  came.  Against  this 
supposition  Herodotus  found  more  numerous 
and  more  satisfactory  reasons  even  than  he  had 
advanced  against  the  others.  In  the  first  place, 
the  river  came  from  the  south — a  direction  in 
which  the  heat  increased  in  intensity  with  ev- 
ery league,  as  far  as  travelers  had  explored  it; 
'and  beyond  those  limits,  they  supposed  that  the 
burning  sun  made  the  country  uninhabitable. 
It  was  preposterous  to  suppose  that  there  could 
be  snow  and  ice  there.  Then,  besides,  the  Nile 
had  been  ascended  to  a  great  distance,  and  re- 
ports from  the  natives  had  been  brought  down 
from  regions  still  more  remote,  and  no  tidings 
had  ever  been  brought  of  ice  and  snow.  It  was 
unreasonable,  therefore,  to  suppose  that  the  in- 
undations could  arise  from  such  a  cause. 

These  scientific  theories,  however,  were  dis- 


46  Xerxes.  [B.C.  484. 

Ideas  of  the  common  people  in  regard  to  the  inundation. 


cussed  only  among  philosophers  and  learned 
men.  The  common  people  had  a  much  more 
simple  and  satisfactory  mode  of  disposing  of  the 
subject.  They,  in  their  imaginations,  invested 
the  beneficent  river  with  a  sort  of  life  and  per- 
sonality, and  when  they  saw  its  waters  rising 
so  gently  but  yet  surely,  to  overflow  their  whole 
land,  leaving  it,  as  they  withdrew  again,  en- 
dued with  a  new  and  exuberant  fertility,  they 
imagined  it  a  living  and  acting  intelligence,  that 
in  the  exercise  of  some  mysterious  and  inscru- 
table powers,  the  nature  of  which  was  to  them 
unknown,  and  impelled  by  a  kind  and  friendly 
regard  for  the  country  and  its  inhabitants,  came 
annually,  of  its  own  accord,  to  spread  over  the 
land  the  blessings  of  fertility  and  abundance. 
The  mysterious  stream  being  viewed  in  this 
light,  its  wonderful  powers  awakened  their  ven- 
eration and  awe,  and  its  boundless  beneficence 
their  gratitude. 

Among  the  ancient  Egyptian  legends,  there 
is  one  relating  to  a  certain  King  Pheron  which 
strikingly  illustrates  this  feeling.  It  seems  that 
during  one  of  the  inundations,  while  he  was 
standing  with  his  courtiers  and  watching  the 
flow  of  the  water,  the  commotion  in  the  stream 
was  much  greater  than  usual  on  account  of  a 


B.C. 484]   Egypt  and  Greece.  49 

Story  of  KingPheron.  m^j^j 

strong  wind  which  was  blowing  at  that  time, 
and  which  greatly  increased  the  violence  of  the 
whirlpools,  and  the  force  and  swell  of  the  boil- 
ing eddies.  There  was  given,  in  fact,  to  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  river  an  expression  of  anger, 
and  Pheron,  who  was  of  a  proud  and  haughty 
character,  like  most  of  the  Egyptian  kings, 
threw  his  javelin  into  one  of  the  wildest  of  the 
whirlpools,  as  a  token  of  his  defiance  of  its  rage. 
He  was  instantly  struck  blind ! 

The  sequel  of  the  story  is  curious,  though  it 
has  no  connection  with  the  personality  of  the 
Nile.     Pheron  remained  blind  for  ten  years. 
At  the  end  of  that  time  it  was  announced  to 
him,   by   some   supernatural   communication, 
that  the  period  of  his  punishment  had  expired, 
and  that  his  sight  might  be  brought  back  to 
him  by  the  employment  of  a  certain  designated 
means  of  restoration,  which  was  the  bathing  of 
his  eyes  by  a  strictly  virtuous  woman.     Phe- 
ron undertook  compliance  with  the  requisition, 
without  any  idea  that  the  finding  of  a  virtuous 
woman  would  be  a  difficult  task.     He  first 
tried  his  own  wife,  but  her  bathing  produced 
no  effect.    He  then  tried,  one  after  another,  va- 
rious ladies  of  his  court,  and  afterward  others 
of  different  rank  and  station,  selecting  those 
D 


50  Xerxes.  [B.C.  484. 

Sequel  of  the  story  of  King  Pheron.  Nilometers. 

who  were  most  distinguished  for  the  excellence 
of  their  characters.  He  was  disappointed,  how- 
ever, in  them  all.  The  blindness  continued 
unchanged.  At  last,  however,  he  found  the 
wife  of  a  peasant,  whose  bathing  produced  the 
effect.  The  monarch's  sight  was  suddenly  re- 
stored. The  king  rewarded  the  peasant  wom- 
an, whose  virtuous  character  was  established 
by  this  indisputable  test,  with  the  highest  hon- 
ors. The  others  he  collected  together,  and  then 
shut  them  up  in  one  of  his  towns.  "When  they 
were  all  thus  safely  imprisoned,  he  set  the  town 
on  fire,  and  burned  them  all  up  together. 

To  return  to  the  Nile.  Certain  columns  were 
erected  in  different  parts  of  the  valley,  on  which 
cubits  and  the  subdivisions  of  cubits  were  mark- 
ed and  numbered,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertain- 
ing precisely  the  rise  of  the  water.  Such  a 
column  was  called  a  Nilometer.  There  was 
one  near  Memphis,  which  was  at  the  upper 
point  of  the  Delta,  and  others  further  up  the 
river.  Such  pillars  continue  to  be  used  to  mark 
the  height  of  the  inundations  to  the  present  day. 

The  object  of  thus  accurately  ascertaining 
the  rise  of  the  water  was  not  mere  curiosity, 
for  there  were  certain  important  business  oper- 
ations which  depended  upon  the  results.     The 


B.C. 484.]  Egypt  and  Greece.  51 

U6e  of  Nilonieters.  Enormous  structures  of  Egypt. 

fertility  and  productiveness  of  the  soil  each  year 
were  determined  almost  wholly  by  the  extent  of 
the  inundation  ;  and  as  the  ability  of  the  people 
to  pay  tribute  depended  upon  their  crops,  the  Ni- 
lometer  furnished  the  government  with  a  crite- 
rion by  which  they  regulated  the  annual  assess- 
ments of  the  taxes.  There  were  certain  canals, 
too,  made  to  convey  the  water  to  distant  tracts 
of  land,  which  were  opened  or  kept  closed  ac- 
cording as  the  water  rose  to  a  higher  or  lower 
point.  All  these  things  were  regulated  by  the 
indications  of  the  Nilometer.  ' 

Egypt  was  famed  in  the  days  of  Xerxes  for 
those  enormous  structures  and  ruins  of  struc- 
tures whose  origin  was  then,  as  now,  lost  in  a 
remote  antiquity.  Herodotus  found  the  Pyra- 
mids standing  in  his  day,  and  presenting  the 
same  spectacle  of  mysterious  and  solitary  grand- 
eur which  they  exhibited  to  Napoleon.  He 
speculated  on  their  origin  and  their  history,  just 
as  the  philosophers  and  travelers  of  our  day  do. 
In  fact,  he  knew  less  and  could  learn  less  about 
them  than  is  known  now.  It  helps  to  impress 
our  minds  with  an  idea  of  the  extreme  antiqui- 
ty of  these  and  the  other  architectural  wonders 
of  Egypt,  to  compare  them  with  things  which 
are  considered  old  in  the  Western  world.     The 


52  Xerxes.  [B.C.  484. 

Comparative  antiquity  of  various  objects.       Great  age  Of  the  Pyramids. 

ancient  and  venerable  colleges  and  halls  of  Ox- 
ford and  Cambridge  are,  many  of  them,  two  or 
three  hundred  years  old.  There  are  remains  of 
the  old  wall  of  the  city  of  London  which  has 
been  standing  seven  hundred  years.  This  is 
considered  a  great  antiquity.  There  are,  how- 
ever, Roman  ruins  in  Britain,  and  in  various 
parts  of  Europe,  more  ancient  still.  They  have 
been  standing  eighteen  hundred  years !  Peo- 
ple look  upon  these  with  a  species  of  wonder 
and  awe  that  they  have  withstood  the  destruc- 
tive influences  of  time  so  long.  But  as  to  the 
Pyramids,  if  we  go  back  twenty -five  hundred 
years,  we  find  travelers  visiting  and  describing 
them  then — monuments  as  ancient,  as  venera- 
ble, as  mysterious  and  unknown  in  their  eyes, 
as  they  appear  now  in  ours.  We  judge  that  a 
mountain  is  very  distant  when,  after  traveling 
many  miles  toward  it,  it  seems  still  as  distant 
as  ever.  Now,  in  tracing  the  history  of  the  pyr- 
amids, the  obelisks,  the  gigantic  statues,  and 
the  vast  columnar  ruins  of  the  Nile,  we  may  go 
back  twenty-five  hundred  years,  without,  ap- 
parently, making  any  progress  whatever  toward 
reaching  their  origin. 

Such  was  Egypt.     Isolated  as  it  was  from 
the  rest  of  the  world,  and  full  of  fertility  and 


B.C. 484.]   Egypt  and  Greece.  53 

Egypt  a  mark  for  the  conqueror.  It8  relation  to  Persia. 

riches,  it  offered  a  marked  and  definite  object 
to  the  ambition  of  a  conqueror.  In  fact,  on  ac- 
count of  the  peculiar  interest  which  this  long 
and  narrow  valley  of  verdure,  with  its  wonderful 
structures,  the  strange  and  anomalous  course 
of  nature  which  prevails  in  it,  and  the  extraor- 
dinary phases  which  human  life,  in  consequence, 
exhibits  there,  has  always  excited  among  man- 
kind, heroes  and  conquerors  have  generally  con- 
sidered it  a  peculiarly  glorious  field  for  their  ex- 
ploits. Cyrus,  the  founder  of  the  Persian  mon- 
archy, contemplated  the  subjugation  of  it.  He 
did  not  carry  his  designs  into  effect,  but  left 
them  for  Cambyses  his  son.  Darius  held  the 
country  as  a  dependency  during  his  reign, 
though,  near  the  close  of  his  life,  it  revolted. 
This  revolt  took  place  while  he  was  preparing 
for  his  grand  expedition  against  Greece,  and  he 
was  perplexed  with  the  question  which  of  the 
two  undertakings,  the  subjugation  of  the  Egyp- 
tians or  the  invasion  of  Greece,  he  should  first 
engage  in.  In  the  midst  of  this  uncertainty  he 
suddenly  died,  leaving  both  the  wars  themselves 
and  the  perplexity  of  deciding  between  them 
as  a  part  of  the  royal  inheritance  falling  to  his 
son. 

Xerxes  decided  to  prosecute  the  Egyptian 


54  Xerxes.  [B.C.  484. 

Xerxes  resolves  to  subdue  Egypt  first.  The  Jews. 

campaign  first,  intending  to  postpone  the  con- 
quest of  Greece  till  he  had  brought  the  valley 
of  the  Nile  once  more  under  Persian  sway.  He 
deemed  it  dangerous  to  leave  a  province  of  his 
father's  empire  in  a  state  of  successful  rebellion, 
while  leading  his  armies  off  to  new  undertak 
ings.  Mardonius,  who  was  the  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  army,  and  the  great  general  on 
whom  Xerxes  mainly  relied  for  the  execution 
of  his  schemes,  was  very  reluctant  to  consent 
to  this  plan.  He  was  impatient  for  the  con- 
quest of  Greece.  There  was  little  glory  for  him 
to  acquire  in  merely  suppressing  a  revolt,  and 
reconquering  what  had  been  already  once  sub- 
dued. He  was  eager  to  enter  upon  a  new  field. 
Xerxes,  however,  overruled  his  wishes,  and  the 
armies  commenced  their  march  for  Egypt. 
They  passed  the  land  of  Judea  on  their  way, 
where  the  captives  who  had  returned  from  Bab- 
ylon, and  their  successors,  were  rebuilding  the 
cities  and  reoccupying  the  country.  Xerxes 
confirmed  them  in  the  privileges  which  Cyrus 
and  Darius  had  granted  them,  and  aided  them 
in  their  work.  He  then  went  on  toward  the 
Nile.  The  rebellion  was  easily  put  down.  In 
less  than  a  year  from  the  time  of  leaving  Susa, 
he  had  reconquered  the  whole  land  of  Egypt, 


B.C. 484]  Egypt  and  Greece.  55 

The  Egyptians  subdued.  Return  to  Susa. 

punished  the  leaders  of  the  revolt,  established 
his  brother  as  viceroy  of  the  country,  and  re- 
turned in  safety  to  Susa. 

All  this  took  place  in  the  second  year  of  his 
reign. 


56  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Counselors  of  Xerxes.  Age  and  character  of  Mardonius. 


Chapter  III. 

Debate  on  the  Proposed  Invasion  of 
Greece. 

THE  two  great  counselors  on  whose  judg- 
ment Xerxes  mainly  relied,  so  far  as  he 
looked  to  any  other  judgment  than  his  own  in 
the  formation  of  his  plans,  were  Artabanus,  the 
uncle  by  whose  decision  the  throne  had  been 
awarded  to  him,  and  Mardonius,  the  command- 
er-in-chief of  his  armies.     Xerxes  himself  was 
quite  a  young  man,  of  a  proud  and  lofty,  yet 
generous  character,  and  full  of  self-confidence 
and  hope.     Mardonius  was  much  older,  but  he 
was  a  soldier  by  profession,  and  was  eager  to 
distinguish  himself  in  some  great  military  cam- 
paign.    It  has  always  been  unfortunate  for  the 
peace  and  happiness  of  mankind,  under  all  mo- 
narchical and  despotic  governments,  in  every 
age  of  the  world,  that,  through  some  depraved 
and  unaccountable  perversion  of  public  senti- 
ment, those  who  are  not  born  to  greatness  have 
had  no  means  of  attaining  to  it  except  as  heroes 
in  war.    Many  men  have,  indeed,  by  their  men- 


B.C. 481.]  The  Debate.  57 

The  avenues  to  renown.  Blood  inherited  and  blood  shed. 

tal  powers  or  their  moral  excellences,  acquired 
an  extended  and  lasting  posthumous  fame  ;  but 
in  respect  to  all  immediate  and  exalted  distinc- 
tion and  honor,  it  will  be  found,  on  reviewing 
the  history  of  the  human  race,  that  there  have 
generally  been  but  two  possible  avenues  to 
them :  on  the  one  hand,  high  birth,  and  on  the 
other,  the  performance  of  great  deeds  of  carnage 
and  destruction.  There  must  be,  it  seems,  as 
the  only  valid  claim  to  renown,  either  blood  in- 
herited or  blood  shed.  The  glory  of  the  latter 
is  second,  indeed,  to  that  of  the  former,  but  it 
is  only  second.  He  who  has  sacked  a  city 
stands  very  high  in  the  estimation  of  his  fel- 
lows. He  yields  precedence  only  to  him  whose 
grandfather  sacked  one. 

This  state  of  things  is  now,  it  is  true,  rapid- 
ly undergoing  a  change.  The  age  of  chivalry, 
of  military  murder  and  robbery,  and  of  the  glo- 
ry of  great  deeds  of  carnage  and  blood,  is  pass- 
ing away,  and  that  of  peace,  of  industry,  and 
of  achievements  for  promoting  the  comfort  and 
happiness  of  mankind  is  coming.  The  men 
who  are  now  advancing  to  the  notice  of  the 
world  are  those  who,  through  their  commerce 
or  their  manufactures,  feed  and  clothe  their  fel- 
low-men by  millions,  or,  by  opening  new  chan- 


58  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Character  of  Artabanus.  His  advice  to  Xerxes. 

nels  or  new  means  for  international  intercourse, 
civilize  savages,  and  people  deserts ;  while  the 
glory  of  killing  and  destroying  is  less  and  less 
regarded,  and  more  and  more  readily  forgotten. 

In  the  days  of  Xerxes,  however,  there  was  no 
road  to  honor  but  by  war,  and  Mardonius  found 
that  his  only  hope  of  rising  to  distinction  was 
by  conducting  a  vast  torrent  of  military  devas- 
tation over  some  portion  of  the  globe  ;  and  the 
fairer,  the  richer,  the  happier  the  scene  which 
he  was  thus  to  inundate  and  overwhelm,  the 
greater  would  be  the  glory.  He  was  very  much 
disposed,  therefore,  to  urge  on  the  invasion  of 
Greece  by  every  means  in  his  power. 

Artabanus,  on  the  other  hand,  the  uncle  of 
Xerxes,  was  a  man  advanced  in  years,  and  of 
a  calm  and  cautious  disposition.  He  was  bet- 
ter aware  than  younger  men  of  the  vicissitudes 
and  hazards  of  war,  and  was  much  more  in- 
clined to  restrain  than  to  urge  on  the  youthful 
ambition  of  his  nephew.  Xerxes  had  been  able 
to  present  some  show  of  reason  for  his  campaign 
in  Egypt,  by  calling  the  resistance  which  that 
country  offered  to  his  power  a  rebellion.  There 
was,  however,  no  such  reason  in  the  case  of 
Greece.  There  had  been  two  wars  between 
Persia  and  the  Athenians  already,  it  is  true. 


B.C. 481.]  The  Debate.  59 

The  Ionian  rebellion.  First  invasion  of  Greece. 

In  the  first,  the  Athenians  had  aided  their  coun- 
trymen in  Asia  Minor  in  a  fruitless  attempt  to 
recover  their  independence.  This  the  Persian 
government  considered  as  aiding  and  abetting  a 
rebellion.  In  the  second,  the  Persians  under 
Datis,  one  of  Darius's  generals,  had  undertaken 
a  grand  invasion  of  Greece,  and,  after  landing 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Athens,  were  beaten, 
with  immense  slaughter,  at  the  great  battle  of 
Marathon,  near  that  city.  The  former  of  these 
wars  is  known  in  history  as  the  Ionian  rebell- 
ion ;  the  latter  as  the  first  Persian  invasion  of 
Greece.  They  had  both  occurred  during  the 
reign  of  Darius,  and  the  invasion  under  Datis 
had  taken  place  not  many  years  before  the  ac- 
cession of  Xerxes,  so  that  a  great  number  of 
the  officers  who  had  served  in  that  campaign 
were  still  remaining  in  the  court  and  army  of 
Xerxes  at  Susa.  These  wars  had,  however, 
both  been  terminated,  and  Artabanus  was  very 
little  inclined  to  have  the  contests  renewed. 

Xerxes,  however,  was  bent  upon  making  one 
more  attempt  to  conquer  Greece,  and  when  the 
time  arrived  for  commencing  his  preparations, 
he  called  a  grand  council  of  the  generals,  the 
nobles,  and  the  potentates  of  the  realm,  to  lay 
his  plans  before  them.    The  historian  who  nar- 


60  Xerxes.  [B.C.4S1. 

Xerxes  convenes  a  public  council.  His  speech. 

rated  these  proceedings  recorded  the  debate  that 
ensued  in  the  following  manner. 

Xerxes  himself  first  addressed  the  assembly, 
to  announce  and  explain  his  designs. 

"The  enterprise,  my  friends,"  said  he,  "in 
which  I  propose  now  to  engage,  and  in  which  I 
am  about  to  ask  your  co-operation,  is  no  new 
scheme  of  my  own  devising.  What  I  design  to 
do  is,  on  the  other  hand,  only  the  carrying  for- 
ward of  the  grand  course  of  measures  marked 
out  by  my  predecessors,  and  pursued  by  them 
with  steadiness  and  energy,  so  long  as  the  pow- 
er remained  in  their  hands.  That  power  has 
now  descended  to  me,  and  with  it  has  devolved 
the  responsibility  of  finishing  the  work  which 
they  so  successfully  began. 

"  It  is  the  manifest  destiny  of  Persia  to  rule 
the  world.  From  the  time  that  Cyrus  first 
commenced  the  work  of  conquest  by  subduing 
Media,  to  the  present  day,  the  extent  of  our  em- 
pire has  been  continually  widening,  until  now 
it  covers  all  of  Asia  and  Africa,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  remote  and  barbarous  tribes,  that, 
like  the  wild  beasts  which  share  their  forests 
with  them,  are  not  worth  the  trouble  of  subdu- 
ing. These  vast  conquests  have  been  made  by 
the  courage,  the  energy,  and  the  military  power 


B.C.48L]  The  Debate.  61 

Xerxes  recounts  the  aggressions  of  the  Athenians. 


of  Cyrus,  Darius,  and  Cambyses,  my  renowned 
predecessors.  They,  on  their  part,  have  sub- 
dued Asia  and  Africa;  Europe  remains.  It 
devolves  on  me  to  finish  what  they  have  begun. 
Had  my  father  lived,  he  would,  himself,  have 
completed  the  work.  He  had  already  made 
great  preparations  for  the  undertaking ;  but  he 
died,  leaving  the  task  to  me,  and  it  is  plain  that 
I  can  not  hesitate  to  undertake  it  without  a 
manifest  dereliction  of  duty. 

"  You  all  remember  the  unprovoked  and  wan- 
ton aggressions  which  the  Athenians  commit- 
ted against  us  in  the  time  of  the  Ionian  rebell- 
ion, taking  part  against  us  with  rebels  and  en- 
emies. They  crossed  the  iEgean  Sea  on  that 
occasion,  invaded  our  territories,  and  at  last 
captured  and  burned  the  city  of  Sardis,  the 
principal  capital  of  our  Western  empire.  I  will 
never  rest  until  I  have  had  my  revenge  by  burn- 
ing Athens.  Many  of  you,  too,  who  are  here 
present,  remember  the  fate  of  the  expedition  un- 
der Datis.  Those  of  you  who  were  attached  to 
that  expedition  will  have  no  need  that  I  should 
urge  you  to  seek  revenge  for  your  own  wrongs. 
I  am  sure  that  you  will  all  second  my  under- 
taking with  the  utmost  fidelity  and  zeal. 

"  My  plan  for  gaining  access  to  the  Grecian 


62  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Xerxes  proposes  to  build  a  bridge  over  the  Hellespont. 

territories  is  not,  as  before,  to  convey  the  troops 
by  a  fleet  of  galleys  over  the  iEgean  Sea,  but 
to  build  a  bridge  across  the  Hellespont,  and 
march  the  army  to  Greece  by  land.  This 
course,  which  I  am  well  convinced  is  practica- 
ble, will  be  more  safe  than  the  other,  and  the 
bridging  of  the  Hellespont  will  be  of  itself  a 
glorious  deed.  The  Greeks  will  be  utterly  un- 
able to  resist  the  enormous  force  which  we  shall 
be  able  to  pour  upon  them.  We  can  not  but 
conquer ;  and  inasmuch  as  beyond  the  Greek 
territories  there  is,  as  I  am  informed,  no  other 
power  at  all  able  to  cope  with  us,  we  shall  easi- 
ly extend  our  empire  on  every  side  to  the  sea, 
and  thus  the  Persian  dominion  will  cover  the 
whole  habitable  world. 

"lam  sure  that  I  can  rely  on  your  cordial 
and  faithful  co-operation  in  these  plans,  and 
that  each  one  of  you  will  bring  me,  from  his 
own  province  or  territories,  as  large  a  quota  of 
men,  and  of  supplies  for  the  war,  as  is  in  his 
power.  They  who  contribute  thus  most  liber- 
ally I  shall  consider  as  entitled  to  the  highest 
honors  and  rewards." 

Such  was,  in  substance,  the  address  of  Xerxes 
to  his  council.  He  concluded  by  saying  that  it 
was  not  his  wish  to  act  in  the  affair  in  an  ar- 


B.C.  481.]  The  Debate.  63 

Excitement  of  Mardonius.  His  speech. 

bitrary  or  absolute  manner,  and  he  invited  all 
present  to  express,  with  perfect  freedom,  any 
opinions  or  views  which  they  entertained  in  re- 
spect to  the  enterprise. 

While  Xerxes  had  been  speaking,  the  soul  of 
Mardonius  had  been  on  fire  with  excitement 
and  enthusiasm,  and  every  word  which  the  king 
had  uttered  only  fanned  the  flame.  He  rose 
immediately  when  the  king  gave  permission  to 
the  counselors  to  speak,  and  earnestly  seconded 
the  monarch's  proposals  in  the  following  words  : 

"For  my  part,  sire,  I  can  not  refrain  from 
expressing  my  high  admiration  of  the  lofty  spirit 
and  purpose  on  your  part,  which  leads  you  to 
propose  to  us  an  enterprise  so  worthy  of  your 
illustrious  station  and  exalted  personal  renown. 
Your  position  and  power  at  the  present  time 
are  higher  than  those  ever  attained  by  any  hu- 
man sovereign  that  has  ever  lived;  and  it  is 
easy  to  foresee  that  there  is  a  career  of  glory 
before  you  which  no  future  monarch  can  ever 
surpass.  You  are  about  to  complete  the  con- 
quest of  the  world !  That  exploit  can,  of  course, 
never  be  exceeded.  We  all  admire  the  proud 
spirit  on  your  part  which  will  not  submit  tame- 
ly to  the  aggressions  and  insults  which  we  have 
received  from  the  Greeks.     We  have  conquer- 


64  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Mardonius  expresses  his  contempt  of  the  Greeks. 

ed  the  people  of  India,  of  Egypt,  of  Ethiopia, 
and  of  Assyria,  and  that,  too,  without  having 
previously  suffered  any  injury  from  them,  but 
solely  from  a  noble  love  of  dominion  ;  and  shall 
we  tamely  stop  in  our  career  when  we  see  na- 
tions opposed  to  us  from  whom  we  have  re- 
ceived so  many  insults,  and  endured  so  many 
wrongs?  Every  consideration  of  honor  and 
manliness  forbids  it. 

"We  have  nothing  to  fear  in  respect  to  the 
success  of  the  enterprise  in  which  you  invite  us 
to  engage.  I  know  the  Greeks,  and  I  know 
that  they  can  not  stand  against  our  arms.  I 
have  encountered  them  many  times  and  in  va- 
rious ways.  I  met  them  in  the  provinces  of 
Asia  Minor,  and  you  all  know  the  result.  I 
met  them  during  the  reign  of  Darius  your 
father,  in  Macedon  and  Thrace — or,  rather, 
sought  to  meet  them ;  for,  though  I  marched 
through  the  country,  the  enemy  always  avoid- 
ed me.  They  could  not  be  found.  They  have 
a  great  name,  it  is  true ;  but,  in  fact,  all  their 
plans  and  arrangements  are  governed  by  imbe- 
cility and  folly.  They  are  not  even  united 
among  themselves.  As  they  speak  one  com- 
mon language,  any  ordinary  prudence  and  sa- 
gacity would  lead  them  to  combine  together, 


B.C. 481.]  The  Debate.  65 


Predictions  of  Mardonius.  Pause  in  the  assembly. 

and  make  common  cause  against  the  nations 
that  surround  them.  Instead  of  this,  they  are 
divided  into  a  multitude  of  petty  states  and 
kingdoms,  and  all  their  resources  and  power  are 
exhausted  in  fruitless  contentions  with  each 
other.  I  am  convinced  that,  once  across  the 
Hellespont,  we  can  march  to  Athens  without 
finding  any  enemy  to  oppose  our  progress ;  or, 
if  we  should  encounter  any  resisting  force,  it 
will  be  so  small  and  insignificant  as  to  be  in- 
stantly overwhelmed." 

In  one  point  Mardonius  was  nearly  right  in 
his  predictions,  since  it  proved  subsequently,  as 
will  hereafter  be  seen,  that  when  the  Persian 
army  reached  the  pass  of  Thermopylse,  which 
was  the  great  avenue  of  entrance,  on  the  north, 
into  the  territories  of  the  Greeks,  they  found 
only  three  hundred  men  ready  there  to  oppose 
their  passage ! 

When  Mardonius  had  concluded  his  speech, 
he  sat  down,  and  quite  a  solemn  pause  ensued. 
The  nobles  and  chieftains  generally  were  less 
ready  than  he  to  encounter  the  hazards  and  un- 
certainties of  so  distant  a  campaign.  Xerxes 
would  acquire,  by  the  success  of  the  enterprise, 
a  great  accession  to  his  wealth  and  to  his  do- 
minion, and  Mardonius,  too,  might  expect  to 
E 


66  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Speech  of  Artabanus.  His  apologies. 

reap  very  rich  rewards ;  but  what  were  they 
themselves  to  gain  ?  They  did  not  dare,  how- 
ever, to  seem  to  oppose  the  wishes  of  the  king,1 
and,  notwithstanding  the  invitation  which  he 
had  given  them  to  speak,  they  remained  silent, 
not  knowing,  in  fact,  exactly  what  to  say. 

All  this  time  Artabanus,  the  venerable  uncle 
of  Xerxes,  sat  silent  like  the  rest,  hesitating 
whether  his  years,  his  rank,  and  the  relation 
which  he  sustained  to  the  young  monarch 
would  justify  his  interposing,  and  make  it  pru- 
dent and  safe  for  him  to  attempt  to  warn  his 
nephew  of  the  consequences  which  he  would 
hazard  by  indulging  his  dangerous  ambition. 
At  length  he  determined  to  speak. 

"I  hope,"  said  he,  addressing  the  king,  "that 
it  will  not  displease  you  to  have  other  views 
presented  in  addition  to  those  which  have  al- 
ready been  expressed.  It  is  better  that  all 
opinions  should  be  heard  ;  the  just  and  the  true 
will  then  appear  the  more  just  and  true  by  com- 
parison with  others.  It  seems  to  me  that  the 
enterprise  which  you  contemplate  is  full  of  dan- 
ger, and  should  be  well  considered  before  it  is 
undertaken.  When  Darius,  your  father,  con- 
ceived of  the  plan  of  his  invasion  of  the  country 
of  the  Scythians  beyond  the  Danube,  I  coma- 


B.C. 481.]  The  Debate.  67 

Artabanus  opposes  the  war.  Repulse  of  Datis. 

seled  him  against  the  attempt.  The  benefits 
to  be  secured  by  such  an  undertaking  seemed 
to  me  wholly  insufficient  to  compensate  for  the 
expense,  the  difficulties,  and  the  dangers  of  it. 
My  counsels  were,  however,  overruled.  Your 
father  proceeded  on  the  enterprise.  He  crossed 
the  Bosporus,  traversed  Thrace,  and  then  cross- 
ed the  Danube ;  but,  after  a  long  and  weary 
contest  with  the  hordes  of  savages  which  he 
found  in  those  trackless  wilds,  he  was  forced  to 
abandon  the  undertaking,  and  return,  with  the 
loss  of  half  his  army.  The  plan  which  you  pro- 
pose seems  to  me  to  be  liable  to  the  same  dan- 
gers, and  I  fear  very  much  that  it  will  lead  to 
the  same  results. 

"  The  Greeks  have  the  name  of  being  a  val- 
iant and  formidable  foe.  It  may  prove  in  the 
end  that  they  are  so.  They  certainly  repulsed 
Datis  and  all  his  forces,  vast  as  they  were,  and 
compelled  them  to  retire  with  an  enormous  loss. 
Your  invasion,  I  grant,  will  be  more  formidable 
than  his.  You  will  throw  a  bridge  across  the 
Hellespont,  so  as  to  take  your  troops  round 
through  the  northern  parts  of  Europe  into 
Greece,  and  you  will  also,  at  the  same  time, 
have  a  powerful  fleet  in  the  iEgean  Sea.  But 
it  must  be  remembered  that  the  naval  arma- 


68  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Artabanus  warns  Xerxes  of  the  danger  of  the  expedition. 

ments  of  the  Greeks  in  all  those  waters  are 
very  formidable.  They  may  attack  and  destroy 
your  fleet.  Suppose  that  they  should  do  so, 
and  that  then,  proceeding  to  the  northward  in 
triumph,  they  should  enter  the  Hellespont  and 
destroy  your  bridge  ?  Your  retreat  would  be 
cut  off,  and,  in  case  of  a  reverse  of  fortune,  your 
army  would  be  exposed  to  total  ruin. 

"Your  father,  in  fact,  very  narrowly  escaped 
precisely  this  fate.  The  Scythians  came  to  de- 
stroy his  bridge  across  the  Danube  while  his 
forces  were  still  beyond  the  river,  and,  had  it 
not  been  for  the  very  extraordinary  fidelity  and 
zeal  of  HistiaBUs,  who  had  been  left  to  guard 
the  post,  they  would  have  succeeded  in  doing  it. 
It  is  frightful  to  think  that  the  whole  Persian 
army,  with  the  sovereign  of  the  empire  at  their 
head,  were  placed  in  a  position  where  their  be- 
ing saved  from  overwhelming  and  total  destruc- 
tion depended  solely  on  the  fidelity  and  firmness 
of  a  single  man !  Should  you  place  your  forces 
and  your  own  person  in  the  same  danger,  can 
you  safely  calculate  upon  the  same  fortunate 


"  Even  the  very  vastness  of  your  force  may 
be  the  means  of  insuring  and  accelerating  its 
destruction,  since  whatever  rises  to  extraordi- 


B.C. 481.]  The  Debate.  69 

Artabanus  vindicates  the  character  of  the  Greeks. 

nary  elevation  and  greatness  is  always  exposed 
to  dangers  correspondingly  extraordinary  and 
great.  Thus  tall  trees  and  lofty  towers  seem 
always  specially  to  invite  the  thunderbolts  of 
Heaven. 

"  Mardonius  charges  the  Greeks  with  a  want 
of  sagacity,  efficiency,  and  valor,  and  speaks 
contemptuously  of  them,  as  soldiers,  in  every 
respect.  I  do  not  think  that  such  imputations 
are  just  to  the  people  against  whom  they  are 
directed,  or  honorable  to  him  who  makes  them. 
To  disparage  the  absent,  especially  an  absent 
enemy,  is  not  magnanimous  or  wise ;  and  I 
very  much  fear  that  it  will  be  found  in  the  end 
that  the  conduct  of  the  Greeks  will  evince  very 
different  military  qualities  from  those  which 
Mardonius  has  assigned  them.  They  are  rep- 
resented by  common  fame  as  sagacious,  hardy, 
efficient,  and  brave,  and  it  may  prove  that  these 
representations  are  true. 

"  My  counsel  therefore  is,  that  you  dismiss 
this  assembly,  and  take  further  time  to  consid- 
er this  subject  before  coming  to  a  final  decision. 
Perhaps,  on  more  mature  reflection,  you  will 
conclude  to  abandon  the  project  altogether.  If 
you  should  not  conclude  to  abandon  it,  but 
should  decide,  on  the  other  hand,  that  it  must 


70  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Xerxes's  displeasure.  His  angry  reply  to  Artabanus. 

be  prosecuted,  let  me  entreat  you  not  to  go 
yourself  in  company  with  the  expedition.  Let 
Mardonius  take  the  charge  and  the  responsibil- 
ity. If  he  does  so,  I  predict  that  he  will  leave 
the  dead  bodies  of  the  soldiers  that  you  intrust 
to  him,  to  be  devoured  by  dogs  on  the  plains  of 
Athens  or  Lacedsemon." 

Xerxes  was  exceedingly  displeased  at  hearing 
such  a  speech  as  this  from  his  uncle,  and  he 
made  a  very  angry  reply.  He  accused  Arta- 
banus of  meanness  of  spirit,  and  of  a  cowardice 
disgraceful  to  his  rank  and  station,  in  thus  ad- 
vocating a  tame  submission  to  the  arrogant  pre- 
tensions of  the  Greeks.  Were  it  not,  he  said, 
for  the  respect  which  he  felt  for  Artabanus,  as 
his  father's  brother,  he  would  punish  him  se- 
verely for  his  presumption  in  thus  basely  op- 
posing his  sovereign's  plans.  "  As  it  is,"  con- 
tinued he,  "I  will  carry  my  plans  into  effect, 
but  you  shall  not  have  the  honor  of  accompa- 
nying me.  You  shall  remain  at  Susa  with  the 
women  and  children  of  the  palace,  and  spend 
your  time  in  the  effeminate  and  ignoble  pleas- 
ures suited  to  a  spirit  so  mean.  As  for  myself, 
I  must  and  will  carry  my  designs  into  execu- 
tion. I  could  not,  in  fact,  long  avoid  a  contest 
with  the  Greeks,  even  if  I  were  to  adopt  the 


B.C. 481.]  The  Debate.  71 

Xerxes's  anxiety.  He  determines  to  abandon  his  project. 

cowardly  and  degrading  policy  which  you  rec- 
ommend ;  for  I  am  confident  that  they  will  very 
soon  invade  my  dominions,  if  I  do  not  antici- 
pate them  by  invading  theirs." 

So  saying,  Xerxes  dismissed  the  assembly. 

His  mind,  however,  was  not  at  ease.  Though 
he  had  so  indignantly  rejected  the  ctfunsel  which 
Artabanus  had  offered  him,  yet  the  impressive 
words  in  which  it  had  been  uttered,  and  the  ar- 
guments with  which  it  had  been  enforced, 
weighed  upon  his  spirit,  and  oppressed  and  de- 
jected him.  The  longer  he  considered  the  sub- 
ject, the  more  serious  his  doubts  and  fears  be- 
came, until  at  length,  as  the  night  approached, 
he  became  convinced  that  Artabanus  was  right, 
and  that  he  himself  was  wrong.  His  mind 
found  no  rest  until  he  came  to  the  determina- 
tion to  abandon  the  project  after  all.  He  re- 
solved to  make  this  change  in  his  resolution 
known  to  Artabanus  and  his  nobles  in  the  morn- 
ing, and  to  countermand  the  orders  which  he 
had  given  for  the  assembling  of  the  troops. 
Having  by  this  decision  restored  something  like 
repose  to  his  agitated  mind,  he  laid  himself 
down  upon  his  couch  and  went  to  sleep. 

In  the  night  he  saw  a  vision.  It  seemed  to 
him  that  a  resplendent  and  beautiful  form  ap- 


72  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Xerxes  sees  a  vision  in  the  night. 

peared  before  him,  and  after  regarding  him  a 
moment  with  an  earnest  look,  addressed  him 
as  follows : 

"  And  do  you  really  intend  to  abandon  your 
deliberate  design  of  leading  an  army  into  Greece, 
after  having  formally  announced  it  to  the  realm 
and  issued  your  orders  ?  Such  fickleness  is  ab- 
surd, and  will  greatly  dishonor  you.  Resume 
your  plan,  and  go  on  boldly  and  perseveringly 
to  the  execution  of  it." 

So  saying,  the  vision  disappeared. 

When  Xerxes  awoke  in  the  morning,  and  the 
remembrance  of  the  events  of  the  preceding  day 
returned,  mingling  itself  with  the  new  impres- 
sions which  had  been  made  by  the  dream,  he 
was  again  agitated  and  perplexed.  As,  how- 
ever, the  various  influences  which  pressed  upon 
him  settled  to  their  final  equilibrium,  the  fears 
produced  by  Artabanus's  substantial  arguments 
and  warnings  on  the  preceding  day  proved  to 
be  of  greater  weight  than  the  empty  appeal  to 
his  pride  which  had  been  made  by  the  phantom 
of  the  night.  He  resolved  to  persist  in  the 
abandonment  of  his  scheme.  He  called  his 
council,  accordingly,  together  again,  and  told 
them  that,  on  more  mature  reflection,  he  had 
become  convinced  that  his  uncle  was  right  and 


B.C. 481.]  The  Debate.  73 

The  spirit  appears  a  second  time  to  Xerxes. 

that  he  himself  had  been  wrong.  The  project, 
therefore,  was  for  the  present  suspended,  and 
the  orders  for  the  assembling  of  the  forces  were 
revoked.  The  announcement  was  received  by 
the  members  of  the  council  with  the  most  tu- 
multuous joy. 

That  night  Xerxes  had  another  dream.  The 
same  spirit  appeared  to  him  again,  his  counte- 
nance, however,  bearing  now,  instead  of  the 
friendly  look  of  the  preceding  night,  a  new  and 
stern  expression  of  displeasure.  Pointing  men- 
acingly at  the  frightened  monarch  with  his  fin- 
ger, he  exclaimed,  "You  have  rejected  my  ad- 
vice ;  you  have  abandoned  your  plan ;  and  now 
I  declare  to  you  that,  unless  you  immediately 
resume  your  enterprise  and  carry  it  forward  to 
the  end,  short  as  has  been  the  time  since  you 
were  raised  to  your  present  elevation,  a  still 
shorter  period  shall  elapse  before  your  downfall 
and  destruction." 

The  spirit  then  disappeared  as  suddenly  as 
it  came,  leaving  Xerxes  to  awake  in  an  agony 
of  terror. 

As  soon  as  it  was  day,  Xerxes  sent  for  Arta- 
banus,  and  related  to  him  his  dreams.  "  I  was 
willing,"  said  he,  "  after  hearing  what  you  said, 
and  maturely  considering  the  subject,  to  give 


74  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Xerxes  relates  his  dreams  to  Artabanus.  Opinion  of  the  latter. 

up  my  plan ;  but  these  dreams,  I  can  not  but 
think,  are  intimations  from  Heaven  that  I  ought 
to  proceed." 

Artabanus  attempted  to  combat  this  idea  by- 
representing  to  Xerxes  that  dreams  were  not  to 
be  regarded  as  indications  of  the  will  of  Heav- 
en, but  only  as  a  vague  and  disordered  repro- 
duction of  the  waking  thoughts,  while  the  reg- 
ular action  of  the  reason  and  the  judgment  by 
which  they  were  ordinarily  controlled  was  sus- 
pended or  disturbed  by  the  influence  of  slum- 
ber. Xerxes  maintained,  on  the  other  hand, 
that,  though  this  view  of  the  case  might  explain 
his  first  vision,  the  solemn  repetition  of  the 
warning  proved  that  it  was  supernatural  and 
divine.  He  proposed  that,  to  put  the  reality  of 
the  apparition  still  further  to  the  test,  Artaba- 
nus should  take  his  place  on  the  royal  couch 
the  next  night,  to  see  if  the  specter  would  not 
appear  to  him.  "  You  shall  clothe  yourself," 
said  he,  "  in  my  robes,  put  the  crown  upon  your 
head,  and  take  your  seat  upon  the  throne.  Aft- 
er that,  you  shall  retire  to  my  apartment,  lie 
down  upon  the  couch,  and  go  to  sleep.  If  the 
vision  is  supernatural,  it  will  undoubtedly  ap- 
pear to  you.  If  it  does  not  so  appear,  I  will 
admit  that  it  was  nothing  but  a  dream." 


B.C. 481.]  The  Debate.  75 

Artabanus  takes  Xerxes's  place.  The  spirit  appears  a  third  time. 

Artabanus  made  some  objection,  at  first,  to 
the  details  of  the  arrangement  which  Xerxes 
proposed,  as  he  did  not  see,  he  said,  of  what  ad- 
vantage it  could  be  for  him  to  assume  the  guise 
and  habiliments  of  the  king.  If  the  vision  was 
divine,  it  could  not  be  deceived  by  such  artifices 
as  those.  Xerxes,  however,  insisted  on  his 
proposition,  and  Artabanus  yielded.  He  as- 
sumed for  an  hour  the  dress  and  the  station  of 
the  king,  and  then  retired  to  the  king's  apart- 
ment, and  laid  himself  down  upon  the  couch  un- 
der the  royal  pavilion.  As  he  had  no  faith  in 
the  reality  of  the  vision,  his  mind  was  quiet  and 
composed,  and  he  soon  fell  asleep. 

At  midnight,  Xerxes,  who  was  lying  in  an 
adjoining  apartment,  was  suddenly  aroused  by 
a  loud  and  piercing  cry  from  the  room  where 
Artabanus  was  sleeping,  and  in  a  moment  aft- 
erward Artabanus  himself  rushed  in,  perfectly 
wild  with  terror.  He  had  seen  the  vision.  It 
had  appeared  before  him  with  a  countenance 
and  gestures  expressive  of  great  displeasure, 
and  after  loading  him  with  reproaches  for  hav- 
ing attempted  to  keep  Xerxes  back  from  his 
proposed  expedition  into  Greece,  it  attempted 
to  bore  out  his  eyes  with  a  red-hot  iron  with 
which  it  was  armed.     Artabanus  had  barely 


76  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Artabanus  is  convinced.  The  invasion  decided  upon. 

succeeded  in  escaping  by  leaping  from  his  couch 
and  rushing  precipitately  out  of  the  room.# 

Artabanus  said  that  he  was  now  convinced 
and  satisfied.  It  was  plainly  the  divine  will 
that  Xerxes  should  undertake  his  projected  in- 
vasion, and  he  would  himself,  thenceforth,  aid 
the  enterprise  by  every  means  in  his  power. 
The  council  was,  accordingly,  once  more  con- 
vened. The  story  of  the  three  apparitions  was 
related  to  them,  and  the  final  decision  announc- 
ed that  the  armies  were  to  be  assembled  for  the 
march  without  any  further  delay. 

It  is  proper  here  to  repeat,  once  for  all  in  this 
volume,  a  remark  which  has  elsewhere  often 
been  made  in  the  various  works  of  this  series, 
that  in  studying  ancient  history  at  the  present 
day,  it  is  less  important  now  to  know,  in  re- 
gard to  transactions  so  remote,  what  the  facts 
actually  were  which  really  occurred,  than  it  is 
to  know  the  story  respecting  them,  which,  for 
the  last  two  thousand  years,  has  been  in  circu- 
lation among  mankind.  It  is  now,  for  exam- 
ple, of  very  little  consequence  whether  there 
ever  was  or  never  was  such  a  personage  as  Her- 
cules; but  it  is  essential  that  every  educated 

*  See  Frontispiece. 


B.C. 481.]  The  Debate.  77 

Mardonius  probably  the  ghost. 

man^should  know  the  story  which  ancient  writ- 
ers tell  in  relating  his  doings.  In  this  view  of 
the  case,  our  object,  in  this  volume,  is  simply 
to  give  the  history  of  Xerxes  just  as  it  stands, 
without  stopping  to  separate  the  false  from  the 
true.  In  relating  the  occurrences,  therefore, 
which  have  been  described  in  this  chapter,  we 
simply  give  the  alleged  facts  to  our  readers  pre- 
cisely as  the  ancient  historians  give  them  to  us, 
leaving  each  reader  to  decide  for  himself  how 
far  he  will  believe  the  narrative.  In  respect  to 
this  particular  story,  we  will  add,  that  some  peo- 
ple think  that  Mardonius  was  really  the  ghost 
by  whose  appearance  Artabanus  and  Xerxes 
were  so  dreadfully  frightened. 


78  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Orders  to  the  provinces.  Mode  of  raising  money. 


Chapter  IV. 

Preparations  for  the  Invasion  of 
Greece. 

AS  soon  as  the  invasion  of  Greece  was  final- 
ly decided  upon,  the  orders  were  trans- 
mitted to  all  the  provinces  of  the  empire,  re- 
quiring the  various  authorities  and  powers  to 
make  the  necessary  preparations.  There  were 
men  to  be  levied,  arms  to  be  manufactured, 
ships  to  be  built,  and  stores  of  food  to  be  pro- 
vided. The  expenditures,  too,  of  so  vast  an  ar- 
mament as  Xerxes  was  intending  to  organize, 
would  require  a  large  supply  of  money.  For 
all  these  things  Xerxes  relied  on  the  revenues 
and  the  contributions  of  the  provinces,  and  or- 
ders, very  full  and  very  imperative,  were  trans- 
mitted, accordingly,  to  all  the  governors  and 
satraps  of  Asia,  and  especially  to  those  who  rul- 
ed over  the  countries  which  lay  near  the  west- 
ern confines  of  the  empire,  and  consequently 
near  the  Greek  frontiers. 

In  modern  times  it  is  the  practice  of  power- 
ful nations  to  accumulate  arms  and  munitions 


B.C. 481.]    The  Preparations.  79 

Modern  mode  of  securing  supplies  of  arms  and  money. 

of  war  on  storage  in  arsenals  and  naval  depots, 
so  that  the  necessary  supplies  for  very  extend- 
ed operations,  whether  of  attack  or  defense,  can 
be  procured  in  a  very  short  period  of  time.  In 
respect  to  funds,  too,  modern  nations  have  a 
great  advantage  over  those  of  former  days,  in 
case  of  any  sudden  emergency  arising  to  call 
for  great  and  unusual  expenditures.  In  conse- 
quence of  the  vast  accumulation  of  capital  in 
the  hands  of  private  individuals,  and  the  confi- 
dence which  is  felt  in  the  mercantile  honor  and 
good  faith  of  most  established  governments  at 
the  present  day,  these  governments  can  procure 
indefinite  supplies  of  gold  and  silver  at  any 
time,  by  promising  to  pay  an  annual  interest 
in  lieu  of  the  principal  borrowed.  It  is  true 
that,  in  these  cases,  a  stipulation  is  made,  by 
which  the  government  may,  at  a  certain  speci- 
fied period,  pay  back  the  principal,  and  so  ex- 
tinguish the  annuity ;  but  in  respect  to  a  vast 
portion  of  the  amount  so  borrowed,  it  is  not  ex- 
pected that  this  repayment  will  ever  be  made. 
The  creditors,  in  fact,  do  not  desire  that  it 
should  be,  as  owners  of  property  always  prefer 
a  safe  annual  income  from  it  to  the  custody  of 
the  principal;  and  thus  governments  in  good 
credit  have  sometimes  induced  their  creditors 


80  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Xerxes's  preparations.  Four  years  allotted  to  them. 

to  abate  the  rate  of  interest  which  they  were 
receiving,  by  threatening  otherwise  to  pay  the 
debt  in  full. 

These  inventions,  however,  by  which  a  gov- 
ernment in  one  generation  may  enjoy  the  pleas- 
ure and  reap  the  glory  of  waging  war,  and 
throw  the  burden  of  the  expense  on  another, 
were  not  known  in  ancient  times.  Xerxes  did 
not  understand  the  art  of  funding  a  national 
debt,  and  there  would,  besides,  have  probably 
been  very  little  confidence  in  Persian  stocks,  if 
any  had  been  issued.  He  had  to  raise  all  his 
funds  by  actual  taxation,  and  to  have  his  arms, 
and  his  ships  and  chariots  of  war,  manufactur- 
ed express.  The  food,  too,  to  sustain  the  im- 
mense army  which  he  was  to  raise,  was  all  to 
be  produced,  and  store-houses  were  to  be  built 
for  the  accumulation  and  custody  of  it.  All 
this,  as  might  naturally  be  expected,  would  re- 
quire time ;  and  the  vastness  of  the  scale  on 
which  these  immense  preparations  were  made 
is  evinced  by  the  fact  that  four  years  were  the 
time  allotted  for  completing  them.  This  period 
includes,  however,  a  considerable  time  before 
the  great  debate  on  the  subject  described  in  the 
last  chapter. 

The  chief  scene  of  activity,  during  all  this 


B.C. 481.]    The  Preparations.  81 

Arms.  Provisions.  Building  of  ships. 

time,  was  the  tract  of  country  in  the  western 
part  of  Asia  Minor,  and  along  the  shores  of  the 
iEgean  Sea.  Taxes  and  contributions  were 
raised  from  all  parts  of  the  empire,  but  the  act- 
ual material  of  war  was  furnished  mainly  from 
those  provinces  which  were  nearest  to  the  fu- 
ture scene  of  it.  Each  district  provided  such 
things  as  it  naturally  and  most  easily  produced. 
One  contributed  horses,  another  arms  and  am- 
munition, another  ships,  and  another  provisions. 
The  ships  which  were  built  were  of  various 
forms  and  modes  of  construction,  according  to 
the  purposes  which  they  were  respectively  in- 
tended to  serve.  Some  were  strictly  ships  of 
war,  intended  for  actual  combat;  others  were 
transports,  their  destination  being  simply  the 
conveyance  of  troops  or  of  military  stores. 
There  were  also  a  large  number  of  vessels, 
which  were  built  on  a  peculiar  model,  prescribed 
by  the  engineers,  being  very  long  and  straight- 
sided,  and  smooth  and  flat  upon  their  decks. 
These  were  intended  for  the  bridge  across  the 
Hellespont.  They  were  made  long,  so  that, 
when  placed  side  by  side  across  the  stream,  a 
greater  breadth  might  be  given  to  the  platform 
of  the  bridge.  All  these  things  were  very  de- 
liberately and  carefully  planned. 
F 


82  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Persian  possessions  on  the  north  of  the  iEgean  Sea. 

Although  it  was  generally  on  the  Asiatic  side 
of  the  JEgean  Sea  that  these  vast  works  of 
preparation  were  going  on,  and  the  crossing  of 
the  Hellespont  was  to  be  the  first  great  move- 
ment of  the  Persian  army,  the  reader  must  not 
suppose  that,  even  at  this  time,  the  European 
shores  were  wholly  in  the  hands  of  the  Greeks. 
The  Persians  had,  long  before,  conquered  Thrace 
and  a  part  of  Macedon  ;  and  thus  the  northern 
shores  of  the  iEgean  Sea,  and  many  of  the  isl- 
ands, were  already  in  Xerxes's  hands.  The 
Greek  dominions  lay  further  south,  and  Xerxes 
did  not  anticipate  any  opposition  from  the  ene- 
my, until  his  army,  after  crossing  the  strait, 
should  have  advanced  to  the  neighborhood  of 
Athens.  In  fact,  all  the  northern  country 
through  which  his  route  would  lie  was  already 
in  his  hands,  and  in  passing  through  it  he  an- 
ticipated no  difficulties  except  such  as  should 
arise  from  the  elements  themselves,  and  the 
physical  obstacles  of  the  way.  The  Hellespont 
itself  was,  of  course,  one  principal  point  of  dan- 
ger. -  The  difficulty  here  was  to  be  surmounted 
by  the  bridge  of  boats.  There  was,  however, 
another  point,  which  was,  in  some  respects, 
still  more  formidable  :  it  was  the  promontory  of 
Mount  Athos. 


B.C. 481.]    The  Preparations.  83 

Promontory  of  Mount  Athos.  Dangerous  navigation. 

By  looking  at  the  map  of  Greece,  placed  at 
the  commencement  of  the  next  chapter,  the 
reader  will  see  that  there  are  two  or  three  sin- 
gular promontories  jutting  out  from  the  main 
land  in  the  northwestern  part  of  the  ^Egean 
Sea.  The  most  northerly  and  the  largest  of 
these  was  formed  by  an  immense  mountainous 
mass  rising  out  of  the  water,  and  connected  by 
a  narrow  isthmus  with  the  main  land.  The 
highest  summit  of  this  rocky  pile  was  called 
Mount  Athos  in  ancient  times,  and  is  so  mark- 
ed upon  the  map.  In  modern  days  it  is  called 
Monte  Santo,  or  Holy  Mountain,  being  covered 
with  monasteries,  and  convents,  and  other  ec- 
clesiastical establishments  built  in  the  Middle 
Ages. 

Mount  Athos  is  very  celebrated  in  ancient 
history.  It  extended  along  the  promontory  for 
many  miles,  and  terminated  abruptly  in  lofty 
cliffs  and  precipices  toward  the  sea,  where  it 
was  so  high  that  its  shadow,  as  was  said,  was 
thrown,  at  sunset,  across  the  water  to  the  isl- 
and of  Lemnos,  a  distance  of  twenty  leagues. 
It  was  a  frightful  specter  in  the  eyes  of  the  an- 
cient navigators,  when,  as  they  came  coasting 
along  from  the  north  in  their  frail  galleys,  on 
their  voyages  to  Greece  and  Italy,  they  saw  it 


84  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Plan  of  Xerxes  for  the  march  of  his  expedition. 

frowning  defiance  to  them  as  they  came,  with 
threatening  clouds  hanging  upon  its  summit, 
and  the  surges  and  surf  of  the  .ZEgean  perpet- 
ually thundering  upon  its  base  below.  To 
make  this  stormy  promontory  the  more  terri- 
ble, it  was  believed  to  be  the  haunt  of  innumer- 
able uncouth  and  misshapen  monsters  of  the 
sea,  that  lived  by  devouring  the  hapless  seamen 
who  were  thrown  upon  the  rocks  from  their 
wrecked  vessels  by  the  merciless  tumult  of  the 
waves. 

The  plan  which  Xerxes  had  formed  for  the 
advance  of  his  expedition  was,  that  the  army 
which  was  to  cross  the  Hellespont  by  the  bridge 
should  advance  thence  through  Macedonia  and 
Thessaly,  by  land,  attended  by  a  squadron  of 
ships,  transports,  and  galleys,  which  was  to  ac- 
company the  expedition  along  the  coast  by  sea. 
The  men  could  be  marched  more  conveniently 
to  their  place  of  destination  by  land.  The 
stores,  on  the  other  hand,  the  arms,  the  sup- 
plies, and  the  baggage  of  every  description, 
could  be  transported  more  easily  by  sea.  Mar- 
donius  was  somewhat  solicitous  in  respect  to 
the  safety  of  the  great  squadron  which  would  be 
required  for  this  latter  service,  in  doubling  the 
promontory  of  Mount  Athos. 


B.C. 481.]   The  Preparations.  85 

Former  shipwreck  of  Mardonius.  Terrible  gale. 

In  fact,  he  had  special  and  personal  reason 
for  his  solicitude,  for  he  had  himself,  some 
years  before,  met  with  a  terrible  disaster  at  this 
very  spot.  It  was  during  the  reign  of  Darius 
that  this  disaster  occurred.  On  one  of  the  ex- 
peditions which  Darius  had  intrusted  to  his 
charge,  he  was  conducting  a  very  large  fleet 
along  the  coast,  when  a  sudden  storm  arose 
just  as  he  was  approaching  this  terrible  prom- 
ontory. 

He  was  on  the  northern  side  of  the  promon- 
tory when  the  storm  came  on,  and  as  the  wind 
was  from  the  north,  it  blew  directly  upon  the 
shore.  For  the  fleet  to  make  its  escape  from 
the  impending  danger,  it  seemed  necessary, 
therefore,  to  turn  the  course  of  the  ships  back 
against  the  wind ;  but  this,  on  account  of  the 
sudden  and  terrific  violence  of  the  gale,  it  was 
impossible  to  do.  The  sails,  when  they  at- 
tempted to  use  them,  were  blown  away  by  the 
howling  gusts,  and  the  oars  were  broken  to 
pieces  by  the  tremendous  dashing  of  the  sea. 
It  soon  appeared  that  the  only  hope  of  escape 
for  the  squadron  was  to  press  on  in  the  desper- 
ate attempt  to  double  the  promontory,  and  thus 
gain,  if  possible,  the  sheltered  water  under  its 
lee.    The  galleys,  accordingly,  went  on,  the  pi- 


86  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Destruction  of  Mardonius's  fleet  at  Mount  Athos. 

lots  and  the  seamen  exerting  their  utmost  to 
keep  them  away  from  the  shore. 

All  their]  efforts,  however,  to  do  this,  were 
vain.  The  merciless  gales  drove  the  vessels, 
one  after  another,  upon  the  rocks,  and  dashed 
them  to  pieces,  while  the  raging  sea  wrenched 
the  wretched  mariners  from  the  wrecks  to 
which  they  attempted  to  cling,  and  tossed  them 
out  into  the  boiling  whirlpools  around,  to  the 
monsters  that  were  ready  there  to  devour  them, 
as  if  she  were  herself  some  ferocious  monster, 
feeding  her  offspring  with  their  proper  prey. 
A  few,  it  is  true,  of  the  hapless  wretches  suc- 
ceeded in  extricating  themselves  from  the  surf, 
by  crawling  up  upon  the  rocks,  through  the 
tangled  sea-weed,  until  they  were  above  the 
reach  of  the  surges ;  but  when  they  had  done 
so,  they  found  themselves  hopelessly  imprison- 
ed between  the  impending  precipices  which 
frowned  above  them  and  the  frantic  billows 
which  were  raging  and  roaring  below.  They 
gained,  of  course,  by  their  apparent  escape,  only 
a  brief  prolongation  of  suffering,  for  they  all 
soon  miserably  perished  from  exhaustion,  ex- 
posure, and  cold. 

Mardonius  had  no  desire  to  encounter  this 
danger  again.     Now  the  promontory  of  Mount 


B.C.  481.]    The  Preparations.  87 

Plan  of  a  canal.  The  Greeks  do  not  interfere. 

Athos,  though  high  and  rocky  itself,  was  con- 
nected with  the  main  land  by  an  isthmus  level 
and  low,  and  not  very  broad.  Xerxes  determ- 
ined on  cutting  a  canal  through  this  isthmus, 
so  as  to  take  his  fleet  of  galleys  across  the  neck, 
and  thus  avoid  the  stormy  navigation  of  the 
outward  passage.  Such  a  canal  would  be  of 
service  not  merely  for  the  passage  of  the  great 
fleet,  but  for  the  constant  communication  which 
it  would  be  necessary  for  Xerxes  to  maintain 
with  his  own  dominions  during  the  whole  period 
of  the  invasion. 

It  might  have  been  expected  that  the  Greeks 
would  have  interfered  to  prevent  the  execution 
of  such  a  work  as  this  ;  but  it  seems  that  they 
did  not,  and  yet  there  was  a  considerable  Greek 
population  in  that  vicinity.  The  promontory 
of  Athos  itself  was  quite  extensive,  being  about 
thirty  miles  long  and  four  or  five  wide,  and  it 
had  several  towns  upon  it.  The  canal  which 
Xerxes  was  to  cut  across  the  neck  of  this  pen- 
insula was  to  be  wide  enough  for  two  triremes 
to  pass  each  other.  Triremes  were  galleys  pro- 
pelled by  three  banks  of  oars,  and  were  vessels 
of  the  largest  class  ordinarily  employed  ;  and  as 
J;he  oars  by  which  they  were  impelled  required 
almost  as  great  a  breadth  of  water  as  the  ves- 


88  Xerxes.  [B.C.481. 

Plans  of  the  engineers.  Prosecution  of  the  work. 

sels  themselves,  the  canal  was,  consequently,  to 
be  very  wide. 

The  engineers,  accordingly,  laid  out  the 
ground,  and,  marking  the  boundaries  by  stakes 
and  lines,  as  guides  to  the  workmen,  the  exca- 
vation was  commenced.  Immense  numbers  of 
men  were  set  at  work,  arranged  regularly  in 
gangs,  according  to  the  various  nations  which 
furnished  them.  As  the  excavation  gradually 
proceeded,  and  the  trench  began  to  grow  deep, 
they  placed  ladders  against  the  sides,  and  sta- 
tioned a  series  of  men  upon  them;  then  the 
earth  dug  from  the  bottom  was  hauled  up  from 
one  to  another,  in  a  sort  of  basket  or  hod,  until 
it  reached  the  top,  where  it  was  taken  by  other 
men  and  conveyed  away. 

The  work  was  very  much  interrupted  and 
impeded,  in  many  parts  of  the  line,  by  the  con- 
tinual caving  in  of  the  banks,  on  account  of  the 
workmen  attempting  to  dig  perpendicularly 
down.  In  one  section — the  one  which  had  been 
assigned  to  the  Phoenicians — this  difficulty  did 
not  occur;  for  the  Phoenicians,  more  consider- 
ate than  the  rest,  had  taken  the  precaution  to 
make  the  breadth  of  their  part  of  the  trench 
twice  as  great  at  the  top  as  it  was  below.  By, 
this  nIC.ans  the  banks  on.  each  side  were  formed 


B.C. 481.]    The  Preparations.  89 

The  Strymon  bridged.  Granaries  and  store-houses. 

to  a  gradual  slope,  and  consequently  stood  firm. 
The  canal  was  at  length  completed,  and  the 
water  was  let  in. 

North  of  the  promontory  of  Mount  Athos  the 
reader  will  find  upon  the  map  the  River  Stry- 
mon, flowing  south,  not  far  from  the  boundary 
between  Macedon  and  Thrace,  into  the  iEgean 
Sea.  The  army  of  Xerxes,  in  its  march  from 
the  Hellespont,  would,  of  course,  have  to  cross 
this  river ;  and  Xerxes  having,  by  cutting  the 
canal  across  the  isthmus  of  Mount  Athos,  re- 
moved an  obstacle  in  the  way  of  his  fleet,  re- 
solved next  to  facilitate  the  progress  of  his  army 
by  bridging  the  Strymon. 

The  king  also  ordered  a  great  number  of 
granaries  and  store-houses  to  be  built  at  various 
points  along  the  route  which  it  was  intended 
that  his  army  should  pursue.  Some  of  these 
were  on  the  coasts  of  Macedonia  and  Thrace, 
and  some  on  the  banks  of  the  Strymon.  To 
these  magazines  the  corn  raised  in  Asia  for  the 
use  of  the  expedition  was  conveyed,  from  time 
to  time,  in  transport  ships,  as  fast  as  it  was 
ready,  and,  being  safely  deposited,  was  protect- 
ed by  a  guard.  No  very  extraordinary  means 
of  defense  seems  to  have  been  thought  neces- 
sary at  these  points,  for,  although  the  scene  of 


90  Xerxes.   .  [B.C.481. 

Xerxes  leaves  Susa,  and  begins  his  march. 

all  these  preliminary  arrangements  was  on  the 
European  side  of  the  line,  and  in  what  was  call- 
ed Greek  territory,  still  this  part  of  the  country 
had  been  long  under  Persian  dominion.  The 
independent  states  and  cities  of  Greece  were  all 
further  south,  and  the  people  who  inhabited 
them  did  not  seem  disposed  to  interrupt  these 
preparations.  Perhaps  they  were  not  aware  to 
what  object  and  end  all  these  formidable  move- 
ments on  their  northern  frontier  were  tending. 
Xerxes,  during  all  this  time,  had  remained  in 
Persia.  The  period  at  length  arrived  when,  his 
preparations  on  the  frontiers  being  far  advanced 
toward  completion,  he  concluded  to  move  for- 
ward at  the  head  of  his  forces  to  S-ardis.  Sar- 
dis  was  the  great  capital  of  the  western  part  of 
his  dominions,  and  was  situated  not  far  from 
the  frontier.  He  accordingly  assembled  his 
forces,  and,  taking  leave  of  his  capital  of  Susa 
with  much  parade  and  many  ceremonies,  he 
advanced  toward  Asia  Minor.  Entering  and 
traversing  Asia  Minor,  he  crossed  the  Halys, 
which  had  been,  in  former  times,  the  western 
boundary  of  the  empire,  though  its  limits  had 
now  been  extended  very  far  beyond.  Having 
crossed  the  Halys,  the  immense  procession  ad- 
vanced into  Phrygia. 


B.C. 481.]    The  Preparations.  91 

The  Meander.  Celaense.  Pythius. 

A  very  romantic  tale  is  told  of  an  interview 
between  Xerxes  and  a  certain  nobleman  named 
Pythius,  who  resided  in  one  of  the  Phrygian 
towns.  The  circumstances  were  these  :  After 
crossing  the  Halys,  which  river  flows  north  into 
the  Euxine  Sea,  the  army  went  on  to  the  west- 
ward through  nearly  the  whole  extent  of  Phryg- 
ia,  until  at  length  they  came  to  the  sources  of 
the  streams  which  flowed  west  into  the  ^Esrean 
Sea.  One  of  the  most  remarkable  of  these  riv- 
ers was  the  Meander.  There  was  a  town  built 
exactly  at  the  source  of  the  Meander — so  ex- 
actly, in  fact,  that  the  fountain  from  which  the 
stream  took  its  rise  was  situated  in  the  public 
square  of  the  town,  walled  in  and  ornamented 
like  an  artificial  fountain  in  a  modern  city. 
The  name  of  this  town  was  Celsenae. 

When  the  army  reached  Celsenae  and  en- 
camped there,  Pythius  made  a  great  entertain- 
ment for  the  officers,  which,  as  the  number  was 
very  large,  was  of  course  attended  with  an  enor- 
mous expense.  Not  satisfied  with  this,  Pyth- 
ius sent  word  to  the  king  that  if  he  was,  in  any 
respect,  in  want  of  funds  for  his  approaching 
campaign,  he,  Pythius,  would  take  great  pleas- 
ure in  supplying  him. 

Xerxes  was  surprised  at  such  proofs  of  wealth 


92  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

The  wealth  of  Pythius.  His  interview  with  Xerxes. 

and  munificence  from  a  man  in  comparatively 
a  private  station.  He  inquired  of  his  attend- 
ants who  Pythius  was.  They  replied  that,  next 
to  Xerxes  himself,  he  was  the  richest  man  in 
the  world.  They  said,  moreover,  that  he  was 
as  generous  as  he  was  rich.  He  had  made  Da- 
rius a  present  of  a  beautiful  model  of  a  fruit- 
tree  and  of  a  vine,  of  solid  gold.  He  was  by 
birth,  they  added,  a  Lydian. 

Lydia  was  west  of  Phrygia,  and  was  famous 
for  its  wealth.  The  River  Pactolus,  which  was 
so  celebrated  for  its  golden  sands,  flowed  through 
the  country,  and  as  the  princes  and  nobles  con- 
trived to  monopolize  the  treasures  which  were 
found,  both  in  the  river  itself  and  in  the  mount- 
ains from  which  it  flowed,  some  of  them  became 
immensely  wealthy. 

Xerxes  was  astonished  at  the  accounts  which 
he  heard  of  Pythius's  fortune.  He  sent  for  him, 
and  asked  him  what  was  the  amount  of  his 
treasures.  This  was  rather  an  ominous  ques- 
tion ;  for,  under  such  despotic  governments  as 
those  of  the  Persian  kings,  the  only  real  safe- 
guard of  wealth  was,  often,  the  concealment  of 
it.  Inquiry  on  the  part  of  a  government,  in  re- 
spect to  treasures  accumulated  by  a  subject, 
was,  often,  only  a  preliminary  to  the  seizure 
and  confiscation  of  them. 


B.C. 481.]    The  Preparations.  93 

The  amount  of  Pythius's  wealth.  His  offer  to  Xerxes. 

Pythius,  however,  in  reply  to  the  king's  ques- 
tion, said  that  he  had  no  hesitation  in  giving 
his  majesty  full  information  in  respect  to  his 
fortune.  He  had  been  making,  he  said,  a  care- 
ful calculation  of  the  amount  of  it,  with  a  view 
of  determining  how  much  he  could  offer  to  con- 
tribute in  aid  of  the  Persian  campaign.  He 
found,  he  said,  that  he  had  two  thousand  tal- 
ents of  silver,  and  four  millions,  wanting  seven 
thousand,  of  staters  of  gold. 

The  stater  was  a  Persian  coin.  Even  if  we 
knew,  at  the  present  day,  its  exact  value,  we 
could  not  determine  the  precise  amount  denot- 
ed by  the  sum  which  Pythius  named,  the  value 
of  money  being  subject  to  such  vast  fluctua- 
tions in  different  ages  of  the  world.  Scholars 
who  have  taken  an  interest  in  inquiring  into 
such  points  as  these,  have  come  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  the  amount  of  gold  and  silver  coin 
which  Pythius  thus  reported  to  Xerxes  was 
equal  to  about  thirty  millions  of  dollars. 

Pythius  added,  after  stating  the  amount  of 
the  gold  and  silver  which  he  had  at  command, 
that  it  was  all  at  the  service  of  the  king  for  the 
purpose  of  carrying  on  the  war.  He  had,  he 
said,  besides  his  money,  slaves  and  farms  enough 
for  his  own  maintenance. 


94  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Gratification  of  Xerxes.  His  reply  to  Pythius's  offer. 

Xerxes  was  extremely  gratified  at  this  gener- 
osity, and  at  the  proof  which  it  afforded  of  the 
interest  which  Pythius  felt  in  the  cause  of  the 
king.  "You  are  the  only  man,"  said  he,  "  who 
has  offered  hospitality  to  me  or  to  my  army 
since  I  set  out  upon  this  march,  and,  in  addi- 
tion to  your  hospitality,  you  tender  me  your 
whole  fortune.  I  will  not,  however,  deprive 
you  of  your  treasure.  I  will,  on  the  contrary, 
order  my  treasurer  to  pay  to  you  the  seven 
thousand  staters  necessary  to  make  your  four 
millions  complete.  I  offer  you  also  my  friend- 
ship, and  will  do  any  thing  in  my  power,  now 
and  hereafter,  to  serve  you.  Continue  to  live 
in  the  enjoyment  of  your  fortune.  If  you  al- 
ways act  under  the  influence  of  the  noble  and 
generous  impulses  which  govern  you  now,  you 
will  never  cease  to  be  prosperous  and  happy." 

If  we  could  end  the  account  of  Pythius  and 
Xerxes  here,  what  generous  and  noble-minded 
men  we  might  suppose  them  to  be  !  But  alas ! 
how  large  a  portion  of  the  apparent  generosity 
and  nobleness  which  shows  itself  among  poten- 
tates and  kings,  turns  into  selfishness  and  hy- 
pocrisy when  closely  examined.  Pythius  was 
one  of  the  most  merciless  tyrants  that  ever  liv- 
ed.    He  held  all  the  people  that  lived  upon  his 


B.C. 481.]    The  Preparations.  95 


Real  character  of  Pythius.  The  entertainment  of  silver  and  gold. 

vast  estates  in  a  condition  of  abject  slavery, 
compelling  them  to  toil  continually  in  his  mines, 
in  destitution  and  wretchedness,  in  order  to  add 
more  and  more  to  his  treasures.  The  people 
came  to  his  wife  with  their  bitter  complaints. 
She  pitied  them,  but  could  not  relieve  them. 
One  day,  it  is  said  that,  in  order  to  show  her 
husband  the  vanity  and  folly  of  living  only  to 
amass  silver  and  gold,  and  to  convince  him  how 
little  real  power  such  treasures  have  to  satisfy 
the  wants  of  the  human  soul,  she  made  him  a 
great  entertainment,  in  which  there  was  a 
boundless  profusion  of  wealth  in  the  way  of  ves- 
sels and  furniture  of  silver  and  gold,  but  scarce- 
ly any  food.  There  was  every  thing  to  satisfy 
the  eye  with  the  sight  of  magnificence,  but 
nothing  to  satisfy  hunger.  The  noble  guest  sat 
starving  in  the  midst  of  a  scene  of  unexampled 
riches  and  splendor,  because  it  was  not  possi- 
ble to  eat  silver  and  gold. 

And  as  for  Xerxes's  professions  of  gratitude 
and  friendship  for  Pythius,  they  were  put  to 
the  test,  a  short  time  after  the  transactions 
which  we  have  above  described,  in  a  remarka- 
ble manner.  Pythius  had  five  sons.  They 
were  all  in  Xerxes's  army.  By  their  departure 
on  the  distant  and  dangerous  expedition  on 


96  Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 

Xerxes' s  gratitude  put  to  the  test.  He  murders  Pythius's  son. 

which  Xerxes  was  to  lead  them,  their  father 
would  be  left  alone.  Pythius,  under  these  cir- 
cumstances, resolved  to  venture  so  far  on  the 
sincerity  of  his  sovereign's  professions  of  regard 
as  to  request  permission  to  retain  one  of  his  sons 
at  home  with  his  father,  on  condition  of  freely 
giving  up  the  rest. 

Xerxes,  on  hearing  this  proposal,  was  greatly 
enraged.  "  How  dare  you,"  said  he,  "  come  to 
me  with  such  a  demand  ?  You  and  all  that 
pertain  to  you  are  my  slaves,  and  are  bound  to 
do  my  bidding  without  a  murmur.  You  de- 
serve the  severest  punishment  for  such  an  inso- 
lent request.  In  consideration,  however,  of  your 
past  good  behavior,  I  will  not  inflict  upon  you 
what  you  deserve.  I  will  only  kill  one  of  your 
sons — the  one  that  you  seem  to  cling  to  so  fond- 
ly. I  will  spare  the  rest."  So  saying,  the  en- 
raged king  ordered  the  son  whom  Pythius  had 
endeavored  to  retain  to  be  slain  before  his  eyes, 
and  then  directed  that  the  dead  body  should  be 
split  in  two,  and  the  two  halves  thrown,  the 
one  on  the  right  side  of  the  road  and  the  other 
on  the  left,  that  his  army,  as  he  said,  might 
"  march  between  them." 

On  leaving  Phrygia,  the  army  moved  on  to- 
ward the  west.     Their  immediate  destination, 


B.C.481.]    The  Preparations.  97 

Various  objects  of  interest  observed  by  the  army. 

as  has  already  been  said,  was  Sardis,  where 
they  were  to  remain  until  the  ensuing  spring. 
The  historian  mentions  a  number  of  objects  of 
interest  which  attracted  the  attention  of  Xerx- 
es and  his  officers  on  this  march,  which  mark 
the  geographical  peculiarities  of  the  country,  or 
illustrate,  in  some  degree,  the  ideas  and  man- 
ners of  the  times. 

There  was  one  town,  for  example,  situated, 
not  like  Celsense,  where  a  river  had  its  origin, 
but  where  one  disappeared.  The  stream  was  a 
branch  of  the  Meander.  It  came  down  from 
the  mountains  like  any  other  mountain  torrent, 
and  then,  at  the  town  in  question,  it  plunged 
suddenly  down  into  a  gulf  or  chasm  and  disap- 
peared. It  rose  again  at  a  considerable  dis- 
tance below,  and  thence  flowed  on,  without  any 
further  evasions,  to  the  Meander. 

On  the  confines  between  Phrygia  and  Lydia 
the  army  came  to  a  place  where  the  road  di- 
vided. One  branch  turned  toward  the  north, 
and  led  to  Lydia ;  the  other  inclined  to  the 
south,  and  conducted  to  Caria.  Here,  too,  on 
the  frontier,  was  a  monument  which  had  been 
erected  by  Croesus,  the  great  king  of  Lydia, 
who  lived  in  Cyrus's  day,  to  mark  the  eastern 
boundaries  of  his  kingdom.  The  Persians  were, 
G 


Xerxes.  [B.C.  481. 


The  plane-tree.      Artificial  honey.      Salt  lake.      Gold  and  silver  mines. 

of  course,  much  interested  in  looking  upon  this 
ancient  landmark,  which  designated  not  only 
the  eastern  limit  of  Croesus's  empire,  but  also 
what  was,  in  ancient  times,  the  western  limit 
of  their  own. 

There  was  a  certain  species  of  tree  which 
grew  in  these  countries  called  the  plane-tree. 
Xerxes  found  one  of  these  trees  so  large  and 
beautiful  that  it  attracted  his  special  admira- 
tion. He  took  possession  of  it  in  his  own  name, 
and  adorned  it  with  golden  chains,  and  set  a 
guard  over  it.  This  idolization  of  a  tree  was  a 
striking  instance  of  the  childish  caprice  and  fol- 
ly by  which  the  actions  of  the  ancient  despots 
were  so  often  governed. 

As  the  army  advanced,  they  came  to  other 
places  of  interest  and  objects  of  curiosity  and 
wonder.  There  was  a  district  where  the  peo- 
ple made  a  sort  of  artificial  honey  from  grain, 
and  a  lake  from  which  the  inhabitants  procured 
salt  by  evaporation,  and  mines,  too,  of  silver  and 
of  gold.  These  objects  interested  and  amused 
the  minds  of  the  Persians  as  they  moved  along, 
without,  however,  at  all  retarding  or  interrupt- 
ing their  progress.  In  due  time  they  reached 
the  great  city  of  Sardis  in  safety,  and  here 
Xerxes  established  his  head-quarters,  and  await- 
ed the  oorrniisr  of  sprin g. 


B.C. 481.]    The  Preparations.  99 

Xerxes  summons  the  Greeks  to  surrender.         They  indignantly  refuse. 

In  the  mean  time,  however,  he  sent  heralds 
into  Greece  to  summon  the  country  to  surren- 
der to  him.  This  is  a  common  formality  when 
an  army  is  about  to  attack  either  a  town,  a 
castle,  or  a  kingdom.  Xerxes's  heralds  crossed 
the  iEgean  Sea,  and  made  their  demands,  in 
Xerxes's  name,  upon  the  Greek  authorities. 
As  might  have  been  expected,  the  embassage 
was  fruitless  ;  and  the  heralds  returned,  bring- 
ing with  them,  from  the  Greeks,  not  acts  or 
proffers  of  submission,  but  stern  expressions  of 
hostility  and  defiance.  Nothing,  of  course,  now 
remained,  but  that  both  parties  should  prepare 
for  the  impending  crisis. 


100  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Winter  in  Asia  Minor.  Destruction  of  the  bridge. 


Chapter  V. 
Crossing  the  Hellespont. 

ALTHOUGH  the  ancient  Asia  Minor  was 
in  the  same  latitude  as  New  York,  there 
was  yet  very  little  winter  there.  Snows  fell, 
indeed,  upon  the  summits  of  the  mountains, 
and  ice  formed  occasionally  upon  quiet  streams, 
and  yet,  in  general,  the  imaginations  of  the  in- 
habitants, in  forming  mental  images  of  frost 
and  snow,  sought  them  not  in  their  own  win- 
ters, but  in  the  cold  and  icy  regions  of  the 
north,  of  which,  however,  scarcely  any  thing 
was  known  to  them  except  what  was  disclosed 
by  wild  and  exaggerated  rumors  and  legends. 

There  was,  however,  a  period  of  blustering 
winds  and  chilly  rains  which  was  called  winter, 
and  Xerxes  was  compelled  to  wait,  before  com- 
mencing his  invasion,  until  the  inclement  sea- 
son had  passed.  As  it  was,  he  did  not  wholly 
escape  the  disastrous  effects  of  the  wintery 
gales.  A  violent  storm  arose  while  he  was  at 
Sardis,  and  broke  up  the  bridge  which  he  had 
built  across  the  Hellespont.  When  the  tidings 
of  this  disaster  were  brought  to  Xerxes  at  his 


B.C.480.]  Crossing  the  Hellespont.  103 

Indignation  of  Xerxes.  His  ridiculous  punishment  of  the  sea. 

winter  quarters,  he  was  very  much  enraged. 
He  was  angry  both  with  the  sea  for  having  de- 
stroyed the  structure,  and  with  the  architects 
who  had  built  it  for  not  having  made  it  strong 
enough  to  stand  against  its  fury.  He  determ- 
ined to  punish  both  the  waves  and  the  work- 
men. He  ordered  the  sea  to  be  scourged  with 
a  monstrous  whip,  and  directed  that  heavy 
chains  should  be  thrown  into  it,  as  symbols  of 
his  defiance  of  its  power,  and  of  his  determina- 
tion to  subject  it  to  his  control.  The  men  who 
administered  this  senseless  discipline  cried  out 
to  the  sea,  as  they  did  it,  in  the  following  words, 
which  Xerxes  had  dictated  to  them :  "  Misera- 
ble monster  !  this  is  the  punishment  which 
Xerxes  your  master  inflicts  upon  you,  on  ac- 
count of  the  unprovoked  and  wanton  injury  you 
have  done  him.  Be  assured  that  he  will  pass 
over  you,  whether  you  will  or  no.  He  hates 
and  defies  you,  object  as  you  are,  through  your 
insatiable  cruelty,  and  the  nauseous  bitterness 
of  your  waters,  of  the  common  abomination  of 
mankind." 

As  for  the  men  who  had  built  the  bridge, 
which  had  been  found  thus  inadequate  to  with- 
stand the  force  of  a  wintery  tempest,  he  order- 
ed every  one  of  them  to  be  beheaded. 


104  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Xerxes  orders  a  new  bridge  to  be  made.  Its  construction. 

The  vengeance  of  the  king  being  thus  satis- 
fied, a  new  set  of  engineers  and  workmen  were 
designated  and  ordered  to  build  another  bridge. 
Knowing,  as,  of  course,  they  now  did,  that  their 
lives  depended  upon  the  stability  of  their  struc- 
ture, they  omitted  no  possible  precaution  which 
could  tend  to  secure  it.  They  selected  the 
strongest  ships,  and  arranged  them  in  positions 
which  would  best  enable  them  to  withstand  the 
pressure  of  the  current.  Each  vessel  was  se- 
cured in  its  place  by  strong  anchors,  placed  sci- 
entifically in  such  a  manner  as  to  resist,  to  the 
best  advantage,  the  force  of  the  strain  to  which 
they  would  be  exposed.  There  were  two  ranges 
of  these  vessels,  extending  from  shore  to  shore, 
containing  over  three  hundred  in  each.  In  each 
range  one  or  two  vessels  were  omitted,  on  the 
Asiatic  side,  to  allow  boats  and  galleys  to  pass 
through,  in  order  to  keep  the  communication 
open.  These  omissions  did  not  interfere  with 
the  use  of  the  bridge,  as  the  superstructure  and 
the  roadway  above  was  continued  over  them. 

The  vessels  which  were  to  serve  for  the  foun- 
dation of  the  bridge  being  thus  arranged  and 
secured  in  their  places,  two  immense  cables 
were  made  and  stretched  from  shore  to  shore, 
each  being  fastened,  at  the  ends,  securely  to  the 


B.C.480.]  Crossing  the  Hellespont.  105 

Mode  of  securing  the  boats.  The  bridge  finished.  - 

banks,  and  resting  in  the  middle  on  the  decks 
of  the  vessels.  For  the  fastenings  of  these  ca- 
bles on  the  shore  there  were  immense  piles  driv- 
en into  the  ground,  and  huge  rings  attached  to 
the  piles.  The  cables,  as  they  passed  along  the 
decks  of  the  vessels  over  the  water,  were  secur- 
ed to  them  all  by  strong  cordage,  so  that  each 
vessel  was  firmly  and  indissolubly  bound  to  all 
the  rest. 

Over  these  cables  a  platform  was  made  of 
trunks  of  trees,  with  branches  placed  upon  them 
to  fill  the  interstices  and  level  the  surface.  The 
whole  was  then  covered  with  a  thick  stratum 
of  earth,  which  made  a  firm  and  substantial 
road  like  that  of  a  public  highway.  A  high  and 
close  fence  was  also  erected  on  each  side,  so  as 
to  shut  off  the  view  of  the  water,which  might 
otherwise  alarm  the  horses  and  the  beasts  of 
burden  that  were  to  cross  with  the  army. 

When  the  news  was  brought  to  Xerxes  at 
Sardis  that  the  bridge  was  completed,  and  that 
all  things  were  ready  for  the  passage,  he  made 
arrangements  for  commencing  his  march.  A 
circumstance,  however,  here  occurred  that  at 
first  alarmed  him.  It  was  no  less  a  phenome- 
non than  an  eclipse  of  the  sun.  Eclipses  were 
considered  in  those  days  as  extraordinary  and 


106  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Eclipse  of  the  sun.  March  from  Sardis. 

supernatural  omens,  and  Xerxes  was  naturally- 
anxious  to  know  what  this  sudden  darkness  was 
meant  to  portend.  He  directed  the  magi  to 
consider  the  subject,  and  to  give  him  their  opin- 
ion. Their  answer  was,  that,  as  the  sun  was 
the  guardian  divinity  of  the  Greeks,  and  the 
moon  that  of  the  Persians,  the  meaning  of  the 
sudden  withdrawal  of  the  light  of  day  doubtless 
was,  that  Heaven  was  about  to  withhold  its 
protection  from  the  Greeks  in  the  approaching 
struggle.  Xerxes  was  satisfied  with  this  ex- 
planation, and  the  preparations  for  the  march 
went  on. 

The  movement  of  the  grand  procession  from 
the  city  of  Sardis  was  inconceivably  splendid. 
First  came  the  long  trains  of  baggage,  on  mules, 
and  camels,  and  horses,  and  other  beasts  of  bur- 
den, attended  by  the  drivers,  and  the  men  who 
had  the  baggage  in  charge.  Next  came  an  im- 
mense body  of  troops  of  all  nations,  marching 
irregularly,  but  under  the  command  of  the  prop- 
er officers.  Then,  after  a  considerable  interval, 
came  a  body  of  a  thousand  horse,  splendidly 
caparisoned,  and  followed  by  a  thousand  spear- 
men, who  marched  trailing  their  spears  upon 
the  ground,  in  token  of  respect  and  submission 
to  the  king  who  was  coming  behind  them. 


B.C.480.]  Crossing  the  Hellespont.  107 

Order  of  march.  Car  of  Jupiter.  Chariot  of  Xerxes. 

Next  to  these  troops,  and  immediately  in  ad- 
vance of  the  king,  were  certain  religious  and 
sacred  objects  and  personages,  on  which,  the 
people  who  gazed  upon  this  gorgeous  spectacle 
looked  with  the  utmost  awe  and  veneration. 
There  were,  first,  ten  sacred  horses,  splendidly 
caparisoned,  each  led  by  his  groom,  who  was 
clothed  in  appropriate  robes,  as  a  sort  of  priest 
officiating  in  the  service  of  a  god.  Behind  these 
came  the  sacred  car  of  Jupiter.  This  car  was 
very  large,  and  elaborately  worked,  and  was 
profusely  ornamented  with  gold.  It  was  drawn 
by  eight  white  horses.  No  human  being  was 
allowed  to  set  his  foot  upon  any  part  of  it,  and, 
consequently,  the  reins  of  the  horses  were  car- 
ried back,  under  the  car,  to  the  charioteer,  who 
walked  behind.  Xerxes's  own  chariot  came 
next,  drawn  by  very  splendid  horses,  selected 
especially  for  their  size  and  beauty.  His  char- 
ioteer, a  young  Persian  noble,  sat  by  his  side. 

Then  came  great  bodies  of  troops.  There 
was  one  corps  of  two  thousand  men,  the  life- 
guards of  the  king,  who  were  armed  in  a  very 
splendid  and  costly  manner,  to  designate  their 
high  rank  in  the  army,  and  the  exalted  nature 
of  their  duty  as  personal  attendants  on  the  sov- 
ereign.   One  thousand  of  these  life-guards  were 


108  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 


Camp  followers.  Arrival  at  the  plain  of  Troy. 

foot  soldiers,  and  the  other  thousand  horsemen. 
After  the  life-guards  came  a  body  of  ten  thou- 
sand infantry,  and  after  them  ten  thousand  cav- 
alry. This  completed  what  was  strictly  the 
Persian  part  of  the  army.  There  was  an  in- 
terval of  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  the  rear 
of  these  bodies  of  troops,  and  then  came  a  vast 
and  countless  multitude  of  servants,  attendants, 
adventurers,  and  camp  followers  of  every  de- 
scription— a  confused,  promiscuous,  disorderly, 
and  noisy  throng. 

The  immediate  destination  of  this  vast  horde 
was  Abydos  ;  for  it  was  between  Sestos,  on  the 
European  shore,  and  Abydos,  on  the  Asiatic, 
that  the  bridge  had  been  built.  To  reach  Aby- 
dos, the  route  was  north,  through  the  province 
of  Mysia.  In  their  progress  the  guides  of  the 
army  kept  well  inland,  so  as  to  avoid  the  in- 
dentations of  the  coast,  and  the  various  small 
rivers  which  here  flow  westward  toward  the  sea. 
Thus  advancing,  the  army  passed  to  the  right 
of  Mount  Ida,  and  arrived  at  last  on  the  bank 
of  the  Scamander.  Here  they  encamped.  They 
were  upon  the  plain  of  Troy. 

The  world  was  filled,  in  those  days,  with  the 
glory  of  the  military  exploits  which  had  been 
performed,  some  ages  before,  in  the  siege  and 


B.C.480.]  Crossing  the  Hellespont.  109 

The  grand  sacrifice.  Dejection  of  the  army. 

capture  of  Troy  ;  and  it  was  the  custom  for  ev- 
ery military  hero  who  passed  the  site  of  the 
city  to  pause  in  his  march  and  spend  some  time 
amid  the  scenes  of  those  ancient  conflicts,  that 
he  might  inspirit  and  invigorate  his  own  ambi- 
tion by  the  associations  of  the  spot,  and  also 
render  suitable  honors  to  the  memories  of  those 
that  fell  there.  Xerxes  did  this.  Alexander 
subsequently  did  it.  Xerxes  examined  the  va- 
rious localities,  ascended  the  ruins  of  the  cita- 
del of  Priam,  walked  over  the  ancient  battle 
fields,  and  at  length,  when  his  curiosity  had 
thus  been  satisfied,  he  ordered  a  grand  sacrifice 
of  a  thousand  oxen  to  be  made,  and  a  libation 
of  corresponding  magnitude  to  be  offered,  in 
honor  of  the  shades  of  the  dead  heroes  whose 
deeds  had  consecrated  the  spot. 

Whatever  excitement  and  exhilaration,  how- 
ever, Xerxes  himself  may  have  felt,  in  approach- 
ing, under  these  circumstances,  the  transit  of 
the  stream,  where  the  real  labors  and  dangers 
of  his  expedition  were  to  commence,  his  miser- 
able and  helpless  soldiers  did  not  share  them. 
Their  condition  and  prospects  were  wretched  in 
the  extreme.  In  the  first  place,  none  of  them 
went  willingly.  In  modern  times,  at  least  in 
England  and  America,  armies  are  recruited  by 


110  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Mode  of  enlistment.  Condition  of  the  soldiers. 

enticing  the  depraved  and  the  miserable  to  en- 
list, by  tendering  them  a  bounty,  as  it  is  called, 
that  is,  a  sum  of  ready  money,  which,  as  a 
means  of  temporary  and  often  vicious  pleasure, 
presents  a  temptation  they  can  not  resist.  The 
act  of  enlistment  is,  however,  in  a  sense  volun- 
tary, so  that  those  who  have  homes,  and  friends, 
and  useful  pursuits  in  which  they  are  peaceful- 
ly engaged,  are  not  disturbed.  It  was  not  so 
with  the  soldiers  of  Xerxes.  They  were  slaves, 
and  had  been  torn  from  their  rural  homes  all 
over  the  empire  by  a  merciless  conscription, 
from  which  there  was  no  possible  escape.  Their 
life  in  camp,  too,  was  comfortless  and  wretch- 
ed. At  the  present  day,  when  it  is  so  much 
more  difficult  than  it  then  was  to  obtain  sol- 
diers, and  when  so  much  more  time  and  atten- 
tion are  required  to  train  them  to  their  work  in 
the  modern  art  of  war,  soldiers  must  be  taken 
care  of  when  obtained ;  but  in  Xerxes's  day  it 
was  much  easier  to  get  new  supplies  of  recruits 
than  to  incur  any  great  expense  in  providing 
for  the  health  and  comfort  of  those  already  in 
the  service.  The  arms  and  trappings,  it  is  true, 
of  such  troops  as  were  in  immediate  attendance 
on  the  king,  were  very  splendid  and  gay,  though 
this  was   only  decoration,  after   all,  and  the 


B.C.480.]  Crossing  the  Hellespont.  Ill 

Privations  and  hardships.  Storm  on  Mount  Ida. 

king's  decoration  too,  not  theirs.  In  respect, 
however,  to  every  thing  like  personal  comfort, 
whether  of  food  and  of  clothing,  or  the  means  of 
shelter  and  repose,  the  common  soldiers  were 
utterly  destitute  and  wretched.  They  felt  no 
interest  in  the  campaign  ;  they  had  nothing  to 
hope  for  from  its  success,  but  a  continuance,  if 
their  lives  were  spared,  of  the  same  miserable 
bondage  which  they  had  always  endured.  There 
was,  however,  little  probability  even  of  this ; 
for  whether,  in  the  case  of  such  an  invasion, 
the  aggressor  was  to  succeed  or  to  fail,  the  des- 
tiny of  the  soldiers  personally  was  almost  in- 
evitable destruction.  The  mass  of  Xerxes's 
army  was  thus  a  mere  herd  of  slaves,  driven 
along  by  the  whips  of  their  officers,  reluctant, 
wretched,  and  despairing. 

This  helpless  mass  was  overtaken  one  night, 
among  the  gloomy  and  rugged  defiles  and  pass- 
es of  Mount  Ida,  by  a  dreadful  storm  of  wind 
and  rain,  accompanied  by  thunder  and  light- 
ning. Unprovided  as  they  were  with  the  means 
of  protection  against  such  tempests,  they  were 
thrown  into  confusion,  and  spent  the  night  in 
terror.  Great  numbers  perished,  struck  by  the 
lightning,  or  exhausted  by  the  cold  and  expo- 
sure ;  and  afterward ,  when  they  encamped  on 


112  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Abydos.  Parade  of  the  troops. 

the  plains  of  Troy,  near  the  Scamander,  the 
whole  of  the  water  of  the  stream  was  not  enough 
to  supply  the  wants  of  the  soldiers  and  the  im- 
mense herds  of  beasts  of  burden,  so  that  many 
thousands  suffered  severely  from  thirst. 

All  these  things  conspired  greatly  to  depress 
the  spirits  of  the  men,  so  that,  at  last,  when 
they  arrived  in  the  vicinity  of  Abydos,  the  whole 
army  was  in  a  state  of  extreme  dejection  and 
despair.  This,  however,  was  of  little  conse- 
quence. The  repose  of  a  master  so  despotic 
and  lofty  as  Xerxes  is  very  little  disturbed  by 
the  mental  sorrows  of  his  slaves.  Xerxes  reach- 
ed Abydos,  and  prepared  to  make  the  passage 
of  the  strait  in  a  manner  worthy  of  the  grandeur 
of  the  occasion. 

The  first  thing  was  to  make  arrangements 
for  a  great  parade  of  his  forces,  not,  apparently, 
for  the  purpose  of  accomplishing  any  useful  end 
of  military  organization  in  the  arrangement  of 
the  troops,  but  to  gratify  the  pride  and  pleas- 
ure of  the  sovereign  with  an  opportunity  of  sur- 
veying them.  A  great  white  throne  of  marble 
was  accordingly  erected  on  an  eminence  not  far 
from  the  shore  of  the  Hellespont,  from  which 
Xerxes  looked  down  with  great  complacency 
and  pleasure,  on  the  one  hand,  upon  the  long 


B.C.480.]  Crossing  the  Hellespont.  113 

Xerxes  weeps.  The  reason  of  it. 

lines  of  troops,  the  countless  squadrons  of  horse- 
men, the  ranges  of  tents,  and  the  vast  herds  of 
beasts  of  burden  which  were  assembled  on  the 
land,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  upon  the  fleets  of 
ships,  and  boats,  and  galleys  at  anchor  upon 
the  sea ;  while  the  shores  of  Europe  were  smil- 
ing in  the  distance,  and  the  long  and  magnifi- 
cent roadway  which  he  had  made  lay  floating 
upon  the  water,  all  ready  to  take  his  enormous 
armament  across  whenever  he  should  issue  the 
command. 

Any  deep  emotion  of  the  human  soul,  in  per- 
sons of  a  sensitive  physical  organization,  tends 
to  tears ;  and  Xerxes's  heart,  being  filled  with 
exultation  and  pride,  and  with  a  sense  of  inex- 
pressible grandeur  and  sublimity  as  he  looked 
upon  this  scene,  was  softened  by  the  pleasura- 
ble excitements  of  the  hour,  and  though,  at  first, 
his  countenance  was  beaming  with  satisfaction 
and  pleasure,  his  uncle  Artabanus,  who  stood 
by  his  side,  soon  perceived  that  tears  were 
standing  in  his  eyes.  Artabanus  asked  him 
what  this  meant.  It  made  him  sad,  Xerxes  re- 
plied, to  reflect  that,  immensely  vast  as  the 
countless  multitude  before  him  was,  in  one 
hundred  years  from  that  time  not  one  of  them 
all  would  be  alive. 

H 


114  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Comments  of  writers.  Remarks  of  Artabanus. 

The  tender-heartedness  which  Xerxes  mani- 
fested on  this  occasion,  taken  in  connection  with 
the  stern  and  unrelenting  tyranny  which  he  was 
exercising  over  the  mighty  mass  of  humanity 
whose  mortality  he  mourned,  has  drawn  forth 
a  great  variety  of  comments  from  writers  of  ev- 
ery age  who  have  repeated  the  story.  Artaba- 
nus replied  to  it  on  the  spot  by  saying  that  he 
did  not  think  that  the  king  ought  to  give  him- 
self too  much  uneasiness  on  the  subject  of  hu- 
man liability  to  death,  for  it  happened,  in  a  vast 
number  of  cases,  that  the  privations  and  suffer- 
ings of  men  were  so  great,  that  often,  in  the 
course  of  their  lives,  they  rather  wished  to  die 
than  to  live ;  and  that  death  was,  consequent- 
ly, in  some  respects,  to  be  regarded,  not  as  in 
itself  a  woe,  but  rather  as  the  relief  and  rem- 
edy for  woe. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  this  theory  of  Arta- 
banus, so  far  as  it  applied  to  the  unhappy  sol- 
diers of  Xerxes,  all  marshaled  before  him  when 
he  uttered  it,  was  eminently  true. 

Xerxes  admitted  that  what  his  uncle  said  was 
just,  but  it  was,  he  said,  a  melancholy  subject, 
and  so  he  changed  the  conversation.  He  asked 
his  uncle  whether  he  still  entertained  the  same 
doubts  and  fears  in  respect  to  the  expedition 


B.C.480.]  Crossing  the  Hellespont.  115 

Conversation  with  Artabanus.  He  renews  his  warnings. 

that  he  had  expressed  at  Susa  when  the  plan 
was  first  proposed  in  the  council.  Artabanus 
replied  that  he  most  sincerely  hoped  that  the 
prognostications  of  the  vision  would  prove  true, 
but  that  he  had  still  great  apprehensions  of  the 
result.  "I  have  been  reflecting,"  continued  he, 
"  with  great  care  on  the  whole  subject,  and  it 
seems  to  me  that  there  are  two  dangers  of  very 
serious  character  to  which  your  expedition  will 
be  imminently  exposed." 

Xerxes  wished  to  know  what  they  were. 

"  They  both  arise,"  said  Artabanus,  "  from 
the  immense  magnitude  of  your  operations.  In 
the  first  place,  you  have  so  large  a  number  of 
ships,  galleys,  and  transports  in  your  fleet,  that 
I  do  not  see  how,  when  you  have  gone  down 
upon  the  Greek  coast,  if  a  storm  should  arise, 
you  are  going  to  find  shelter  for  them.  There 
are  no  harbors  there  large  enough  to  afford  an- 
chorage ground  for  such  an  immense  number 
of  vessels." 

"  And  what  is  the  other  danger  ?"  asked 
Xerxes. 

"  The  other  is  the  difficulty  of  finding  food 
for  such  a  vast  multitude  of  men  as  you  have 
brought  together  in  your  armies.  The  quan- 
tity of  food  necessary  to  supply  such  countless 


116  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Anxiety  of  Artabanus.  Xerxes  is  not  convinced. 

numbers  is  almost  incalculable.  Your  grana- 
ries and  magazines  will  soon  be  exhausted,  and 
then,  as  no  country  whatever  that  you  can  pass 
through  will  have  resources  of  food  adequate 
for  such  a  multitude  of  mouths,  it  seems  to  me 
that  your  march  must  inevitably  end  in  a  fam- 
ine. The  less  resistance  you  meet  with,  and 
the  further  you  consequently  advance,  the  worse 
it  will  be  for  you.  I  do  not  see  how  this  fatal 
result  can  possibly  be  avoided ;  and  so  uneasy 
and  anxious  am  I  on  the  subject,  that  I  have  no 
rest  or  peace." 

"  I  admit,"  said  Xerxes,  in  reply,  "  that  what 
you  say  is  not  wholly  unreasonable ;  but  in 
great  undertakings  it  will  never  do  to  take 
counsel  wholly  of  our  fears.  I  am  willing  to 
submit  to  a  very  large  portion  of  the  evils  to 
which  I  expose  myself  on  this  expedition,  rath- 
er than  not  accomplish  the  end  which  I  have  in 
view.  Besides,  the  most  prudent  and  cautious 
counsels  are  not  always  the  best.  He  who  haz- 
ards nothing  gains  nothing.  I  have  always  ob- 
served that  in  all  the  affairs  of  human  life,  those 
who  exhibit  some  enterprise  and  courage  in 
what  they  undertake  are  far  more  likely  to  be 
successful  than  those  who  weigh  every  thing 
and  consider  every  thing,  and  will  not  advance 


B.C.480.]  Crossing  the  Hellespont.  117 

Advice  of  Artabanus  in  respect  to  employing  the  Ionians. 

where  they  can  see  any  remote  prospect  of  dan- 
ger. If  my  predecessors  had  acted  on  the  prin- 
ciples which  you  recommend,  the  Persian  em- 
pire would  never  have  acquired  the  greatness 
to  which  it  has  now  attained.  In  continuing 
to  act  on  the  same  principles  which  governed 
them,  I  confidently  expect  the  same  success. 
We  shall  conquer  Europe,  and  then  return  in 
peace,  I  feel  assured,  without  encountering  the 
famine  which  you  dread  so  much,  or  any  other 
great  calamity." 

On  hearing  these  words,  and  observing  how 
fixed  and  settled  the  determinations  of  Xerxes 
were,  Artabanus  said  no  more  on  the  general 
subject,  but  on  one  point  he  ventured  to  offer 
his  counsel  to  his  nephew,  and  that  was  on  the 
subject  of  employing  the  Ionians  in  the  war. 
The  Ionians  were  Greeks  by  descent.  Their 
ancestors  had  crossed  the  iEgean  Sea,  and  set- 
tled at  various  places  along  the  coast  of  Asia 
Minor,  in  the  western  part  of  the  provinces  of 
Caria,  Lydia,  and  Mysia.  Artabanus  thought 
it  was  dangerous  to  take  these  men  to  fight 
against  their  countrymen.  However  faithfully 
disposed  they  might  be  in  commencing  the  en- 
terprise, a  thousand  circumstances  might  occur 
to  shake  their  fidelity  and  lead  them  to  revolt, 


118  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Xerxes's  opinion  of  the  Ionians.  Artabanus  is  permitted  to  return. 

when  they  found  themselves  in  the  land  of  their 
forefathers,  and  heard  the  enemies  against  whom 
they  had  been  brought  to  contend  speaking 
their  own  mother  tongue. 

Xerxes,  however,  was  not  convinced  by  Ar- 
tabanus's  arguments.  He  thought  that  the 
employment  of  the  Ionians  was  perfectly  safe. 
They  had  been  eminently  faithful  and  firm,  he 
said,  under  Histiseus,  in  the  time  of  Darius's 
invasion  of  Scythia,  when  Darius  had  left  them 
to  guard  his  bridge  over  the  Danube.  They 
had  proved  themselves  trustworthy  then,  and 
he  would,  he  said,  accordingly  trust  them  now. 
"Besides,"  he  added,  "  they  have  left  their  prop- 
erty, their  wives  and  their  children,  and  all  else 
that  they  hold  dear,  in  our  hands  in  Asia,  and 
they  will  not  dare,  while  we  retain  such  hos- 
tages, to  do  any  thing  against  us." 

Xerxes  said,  however,  that  since  Artabanus 
was  so  much  concerned  in  respect  to  the  result 
of  the  expedition,  he  should  not  be  compelled  to 
accompany  it  any  further,  but  that  he  might 
return  to  Susa  instead,  and  take  charge  of  the 
government  there  until  Xerxes  should  return. 

A  part  of  the  celebration  on  the  great  day  of 
parade,  on  which  this  conversation  between  the 
king  and  his  uncle  was  held,  consisted  of  a  na- 


B.C.480.]  Crossing  the  Hellespont.  119 

Sham  sea  fight.  Xerxes'a  address. 

val  sea  fight,  waged  on  the  Hellespont,  between 
two  of  the  nations  of  his  army,  for  the  king's 
amusement.  The  Phoenicians  were  the  victors 
in  this  combat.  Xerxes  was  greatly  delighted 
with  the  combat,  and,  in  fact,  with  the  whole 
of  the  magnificent  spectacle  which  the  day  had 
displayed. 

Soon  after  this,  Xerxes  dismissed  Artabanus, 
ordering  him  to  return  to  Susa,  and  to  assume 
the  regency  of  the  empire.  He  convened,  also, 
another  general  council  of  the  nobles  of  his 
court  and  the  officers  of  the  army,  to  announce 
to  them  that  the  time  had  arrived  for  crossing 
the  bridge,  and  to  make  his  farewell  address  to 
them  before  they  should  take  their  final  depart- 
ure from  Asia.  He  exhorted  them  to  enter 
upon  the  great  work  before  them  with  a  de- 
termined and  resolute  spirit,  saying  that  if  the 
Greeks  were  once  subdued,  no  other  enemies 
able  at  all  to  cope  with  the  Persians  would  be 
left  on  the  habitable  globe. 

On  the  dismission  of  the  council,  orders  were 
given  to  commence  the  crossing  of  the  bridge 
the  next  day  at  sunrise.  The  preparations 
were  made  accordingly.  In  the  morning,  as 
soon  as  it  was  light,  and  while  waiting  for  the 
rising  of  the  sun,  they  burned  upon  the  bridge 


120  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Crossing  the  bridge.  Preliminary  ceremonies. 

all  manner  of  perfumes,  and  strewed  the  way 
with  branches  of  myrtle,  the  emblem  of  triumph 
and  joy.  As  the  time  for  the  rising  of  the  sun 
drew  nigh,  Xerxes  stood  with  a  golden  vessel 
full  of  wine,  which  he  was  to  pour  out  as  a  li- 
bation as  soon  as  the  first  dazzling  beams  should 
appear  above  the  horizon.  When,  at  length, 
the  moment  arrived,  he  poured  out  the  wine 
into  the  sea,  throwing  the  vessel  in  which  it  had 
been  contained  after  it  as  an  offering.  He  also 
threw  in,  at  the  same  time,  a  golden  goblet  of 
great  value,  and  a  Persian  cimeter.  The  an- 
cient historian  who  records  these  facts  was  un- 
certain whether  these  offerings  were  intended 
as  acts  of  adoration  addressed  to  the  sun,  or  as 
oblations  presented  to  the  sea — a  sort  of  peace 
offering,  perhaps,  to  soothe  the  feelings  of  the 
mighty  monster,  irritated  and  chafed  by  the 
chastisement  which  it  had  previously  received. 
One  circumstance  indicated  that  the  offering 
was  intended  for  the  sun,  for,  at  the  time  of 
making  it,  Xerxes  addressed  to  the  great  lumin- 
ary a  sort  of  petition,  which  might  be  consider- 
ed either  an  apostrophe  or  a  prayer,  imploring 
its  protection.  He  called  upon  the  sun  to  ac- 
company and  defend  the  expedition,  and  to  pre- 
serve it  from  every  calamity  'until  it  should 


B.C.480.]  Crossing  the  Hellespont.  123 

The  order  of  march.  Mqvement  of  the  fleet 

have  accomplished  its  mission  of  subjecting  all 
Europe  to  the  Persian  sway. 

The  army  then  commenced  its  march.  The 
order  of  march  was  very  much  the  same  as  that 
which  had  been  observed  in  the  departure  from 
Sardis.  The  beasts  of  burden  and  the  baggage 
were  preceded  and  followed  by  immense  bodies 
of  troops  of  all  nations.  The  whole  of  the  first 
day  was  occupied  by  the  passing  of  this  part  of 
the  army.  Xerxes  himself,  and  the  sacred  por- 
tion of  the  train,  were  to  follow  them  on  the 
second  day.  Accordingly,  there  came,  on  the 
second  day,  first,  an  immense  squadron  of  horse, 
with  garlands  on  the  heads  of  the  horsemen ; 
next,  the  sacred  horses  and  the  sacred  car  of 
Jupiter.  Then  came  Xerxes  himself,  in  his 
war  chariot,  with  trumpets  sounding,  and  ban- 
ners waving  in  the  air.  At  the  moment  when 
Xerxes's  chariot  entered  upon  the  bridge,  the 
fleet  of  galleys,  which  had  been  drawn  up  in 
preparation  near  the  Asiatic  shore,  were  set  in 
motion,  and  moved  in  a  long  and  majestic  line 
across  the  strait  to  the  European  side,  accom- 
panying and  keeping  pace  with  their  mighty 
master  in  his  progress.  Thus  was  spent  the 
second  day. 

Five  more  days  were  consumed  in  getting 


124  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Time  occupied  in  the  passage.  Scene  of  confusion. 

over  the  remainder  of  the  army,  and  the  im- 
mense trains  of  beasts  and  of  baggage  which 
followed.  The  officers  urged  the  work  forward 
as  rapidly  as  possible,  and,  toward  the  end,  as 
is  always  the  case  in  the  movement  of  such 
enormous  masses,  it  became  a  scene  of  incon- 
ceivable noise,  terror,  and  confusion.  The  offi- 
cers drove  forward  men  and  beasts  alike  by  the 
lashes  of  their  whips  —  every  one  struggling, 
under  the  influence  of  such  stimulants,  to  get 
forward— while  fallen  animals,  broken  wagons, 
and  the  bodies  of  those  exhausted  and  dying 
with  excitement  and  fatigue,  choked  the  way. 
The  mighty  mass  was,  however,  at  last  trans- 
ferred to  the  European  continent,  full  of  anx- 
ious fears  in  respect  to  what  awaited  them,  but 
yet  having  very  faint  and  feeble  conceptions  of 
the  awful  scenes  in  which  the  enterprise  of  their 
reckless  leader  was  to  end. 


B.C. 480.]  Review  of  the  Troops.      125 

The  fleet  and  the  army  separate.  The  Chersonesus. 


Chapter  VI. 

The  Review  of  the  Troops  at  Do- 
riscus. 

AS  soon  as  the  expedition  of  Xerxes  had 
crossed  the  Hellespont  and  arrived  safely 
on  the  European  side,  as  narrated  in  the  last 
chapter,  it  became  necessary  for  the  fleet  and 
the  army  to  separate,  and  to  move,  for  a  time, 
in  opposite  directions  from  each  other.  The 
reader  will  observe,  by  examining  the  map,  that 
the  army,  on  reaching  the  European  shore,  at 
the  point  to  which  they  would  be  conducted  by 
a  bridge  at  Abydos,  would  find  themselves  in 
the  middle  of  a  long  and  narrow  peninsula  call- 
ed the  Chersonesus,  and  that,  before  commenc- 
ing its  regular  march  along  the  northern  coast 
of  the  iEgean  Sea,  it  would  be  necessary  first 
to  proceed  for  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  to  the 
eastward,  in  order  to  get  round  the  bay  by 
which  the  peninsula  is  bounded  on  the  north 
and  west.  While,  therefore,  the  fleet  went  di- 
rectly westward  along  the  coast,  the  army  turn- 
ed to  the  eastward,  a  place  of  rendezvous  hav- 


126  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Sufferings  from  thirst.  The  Hebrus.  Plain  of  Doriscvis. 

ing  been  appointed  on  the  northern  coast  of  the 
sea,  where  they  were  all  soon  to  meet  again. 

The  army  moved  on  by  a  slow  and  toilsome 
progress  until  it  reached  the  neck  of  the  penin- 
sula, and  then  turning  at  the  head  of  the  bay, 
it  moved  westward  again,  following  the  direc- 
tion of  the  coast.  The  line  of  march  was,  how- 
ever, laid  at  some  distance  from  the  shore,  part- 
ly for  the  sake  of  avoiding  the  indentations 
made  in  the  land  by  gulfs  and  bays,  and  partly 
for  the  sake  of  crossing  the  streams  from  the 
interior  at  points  so  far  inland  that  the  water 
found  in  them  should  be  fresh  and  pure.  Not- 
withstanding these  precautions,  however,  the 
water  often  failed.  So  immense  were  the  mul- 
titudes of  men  and  of  beasts,  and  so  craving 
was  the  thirst  which  the  heat  and  the  fatigues 
of  the  march  engendered,  that,  in  several  in- 
stances, they  drank  the  little  rivers  dry. 

The  first  great  and  important  river  which  the 
army  had  to  pass  after  entering  Europe  was 
the  Hebrus.  Not  far  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Hebrus,  where  it  emptied  into  the  ^Egean  Sea, 
was  a  great  plain,  which  was  called  the  plain 
of  Doriscus.  There  was  an  extensive  fortress 
here,  which  had  been  erected  by  the  orders  of 
Darius  when  he  had  subjugated  this  part  of  the 


B.C. 480.]  Review  of  the  Troops.      127 

Preparations  for  the  great  review.  Mode  of  taking  a  census. 

country.  The  position  of  this  fortress  was  an 
important  one,  because  it  commanded  the  whole 
region  watered  by  the  Hebrus,  which  was  a 
very  fruitful  and  populous  district.  Xerxes  had 
been  intending  to  have  a  grand  review  and  enu- 
meration of  his  forces  on  entering  the  European 
territories,  and  he  judged  Doriscus  to  be  a  very 
suitable  place  for  his  purpose.  He  could  estab- 
lish his  own  head-quarters  in  the  fortress,  while 
his  armies  could  be  marshaled  and  reviewed  on 
the  plain.  The  fleet,  too,  had  been  ordered  to 
draw  up  to  the  shore  at  the  same  spot,^and 
when  the  army  reached  the  ground,  they  found 
the  vessels  already  in  the  offing. 

The  army  accordingly  halted,  and  the  nec- 
essary arrangements  were  made  for  the  review. 
The  first  thing  was  to  ascertain  the  numbers 
of  the  troops ;  and  as  the  soldiers  were  too  nu- 
merous to  be  counted,  Xerxes  determined  to 
measure  the  mighty  mass  as  so  much  bulk,  and 
then  ascertain  the  numbers  by  a  computation. 
They  made  the  measure  itself  in  the  following 
manner :  They  counted  off,  first,  ten  thousand 
men,  and  brought  them  together  in  a  compact 
circular  mass,  in  the  middle  of  the  plain,  and 
then  marked  a  line  upon  the  ground  inclosing 
them.     Upon  this  line,  thus  determined,  they 


128  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Immense  numbers  of  the  troops.  The  cavalry. 

built  a  stone  wall,  about  four  feet  high,  with 
openings  on  opposite  sides  of  it,  by  which  men 
might  enter  and  go  out.  When  the  wall  was 
built,  soldiers  were  sent  into  the  inclosure — 
just  as  corn  would  be  poured  by  a  husbandman 
into  a  wooden  peck — until  it  was  full.  The 
mass  thus  required  to  fill  the  inclosure  was 
deemed  and  taken  to  be  ten  thousand  men. 
This  was  the  first  filling  of  the  measure.  These 
men  were  then  ordered  to  retire,  and  a  fresh 
mass  was  introduced,  and  so  on  until  the  whole 
army  was  measured.  The  inclosure  was  filled 
one  hundred  and  seventy  times  with  the  foot 
soldiers  before  the  process  was  completed,  indi- 
cating, as  the  total  amount  of  the  infantry  of 
the  army,  a  force  of  one  million  seven  hundred 
thousand  men.  This  enumeration,  it  must  be 
remembered,  included  the  land  forces  alone. 

This  method  of  measuring  the  army  in  bulk 
was  applied  only  to  the  foot  soldiers  ;  they  con. 
stituted  the  great  mass  of  the  forces  convened 
There  were,  however,  various  other  bodies  of 
troops  in  the  army,  which,  from  their  nature, 
were  more  systematically  organized  than  the 
common  foot  soldiers,  and  so  their  numbers 
were  known  by  the  regular  enrollment.  There 
was,  for  example,  a  cavalry  force  of  eighty  thou- 


B.C. 480.]  Review  of  the  Troops.      129 

Corps  of  Arabs  and  Egyptians.  Sum  total  of  the  army. 

sand  men.  There  was  also  a  corps  of  Arabs,  on 
camels,  and  another  of  Egyptians,  in  war  char- 
iots, which  together  amounted  to  twenty  thou- 
sand. Then,  besides  these  land  forces,  there 
were  half  a  million  of  men  in  the  fleet.  Im- 
mense as  these  numbers  are,  they  were  still  fur- 
ther increased,  as  the  army  moved  on,  by  Xerx- 
es's  system  of  compelling  the  forces  of  every 
kingdom  and  province  through  which  he  passed 
to  join  the  expedition  ;  so  that,  at  length,  when 
the  Persian  king  fairly  entered  the  heart  of  the 
Greek  territory,  Herodotus,  the  great  narrator 
of  his  history,  in  summing  up  the  whole  num- 
ber of  men  regularly  connected  with  the  army, 
makes  a  total  of  about  five  millions  of  men  ! 
One  hundred  thousand  men,  which  is  but  one 
fiftieth  part  of  five  millions,  is  considered,  in 
modern  times,  an  immense  army  ;  and,  in  fact, 
half  even  of  that  number  was  thought,  in  the 
time  of  the  American  Revolution,  a  sufficient 
force  to  threaten  the  colonies  with  overwhelm- 
ing destruction.  "If  ten  thousand  men  will 
not  do  to  put  down  the  rebellion,"  said  an  ora- 
tor in  the  House  of  Commons,  "  fifty  thousand 
shall." 

Herodotus  adds  that,  besides  the  five  millions 
regularly  connected  with  the  army,  there  was 
I 


130  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Various  nations.  Dress  and  equipments. 

an  immense  and  promiscuous  mass  of  women, 
slaves,  cooks,  bakers,  and  camp  followers  of  ev- 
ery description,  that  no  human  powers  could 
estimate  or  number. 

But  to  return  to  the  review.  The  numbers 
of  the  army  having  been  ascertained,  the  next 
thing  was  to  marshal  and  arrange  the  men 
by  nations  under  their  respective  leaders,  to  be 
reviewed  by  the  king.  A  very  full  enumera- 
tion of  these  divisions  of  the  army  is  given  by 
the  historians  of  the  day,  with  minute  descrip- 
tions of  the  kind  of  armor  which  the  troops  of 
the  several  nations  wore.  There  were  more 
than  fifty  of  these  nations  in  all.  Some  of  them 
were  highly  civilized,  others  were  semi-barbar- 
ous tribes ;  and,  of  course,  they  presented,  as 
marshaled  in  long  array  upon  the  plain,  every 
possible  variety  of  dress  and  equipment.  Some 
were  armed  with  brazen  helmets,  and  coats  of 
mail  formed  of  plates  of  iron  ;  others  wore  lin- 
en tunics,  or  rude  garments  made  of  the  skins 
of  beasts.  The  troops  of  one  nation  had  their 
heads  covered  with  helmets,  those  of  another 
with  miters,  and  of  a  third  with  tiaras.  There 
was  one  savage-looking  horde  that  had  caps 
made  of  the  skin  of  the  upper  part  of  a  horse's 
head,  in  its  natural  form,  with  the  ears  stand- 


B.C. 480.]  Review  of  the  Troops.      131 

Uncouth  costumes.  Various  weapons.  The  lasso. 

ing  up  erect  at  the  top,  and  the  mane  flowing 
down  behind.  These  men  held  the  skins  of 
cranes  before  them  instead  of  shields,  so  that 
they  looked  like  horned  monsters,  half  beast 
and  half  bird,  endeavoring  to  assume  the  guise 
and  attitude  of  men.  There  was  another  corps 
whose  men  were  really  horned,  since  they  wore 
caps  made  from  the  skins  of  the  heads  of  oxen, 
with  the  horns  standing.  Wild  beasts  were 
personated,  too,  as  well  as  tame ;  for  some  na- 
tions were  clothed  in  lions'  skins,  and  others  in 
panthers'  skins — the  clothing  being  considered, 
apparently,  the  more  honorable,  in  proportion 
to  the  ferocity  of  the  brute  to  which  it  had  orig- 
inally belonged. 

The  weapons,  too,  were  of  every  possible  form 
and  guise.  Spears — some  pointed  with  iron, 
some  with  stone,  and  others  shaped  simply  by 
being  burned  to  a  point  in  the  fire ;  bows  and 
arrows,  of  every  variety  of  material  and  form : 
swords,  daggers,  slings,  clubs,  darts,  javelins, 
and  every  other  imaginable  species  of  weapon 
which  human  ingenuity,  savage  or  civilized, 
had  then  conceived.  E  ven  the  lasso — the  weap- 
on of  the  American  aborigines  of  modern  times 
— was  there.  It  is  described  by  the  ancient 
historian  as  a  long  thong  of  leather  wound  into 


132  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Dresses  of  various  kinds.  The  Immortals. 

a  coil,  and  finished  in  a  noose  at  the  end,  which 
noose  the  rude  warrior  who  used  the  implement 
lanched  through  the  air  at  the  enemy,  and  en- 
tangling rider  and  horse  together  by  means  of 
it,  brought  them  both  to  the  ground. 

There  was  every  variety  of  taste,  too,  in  the 
fashion  and  the  colors  of  the  dresses  which  were 
worn.  Some  were  of  artificial  fabrics,  and  dyed 
in  various  and  splendid  hues.  Some  were  very 
plain,  the  wearers  of  them  affecting  a  simple 
and  savage  ferocity  in  the  fashion  of  their  vest- 
ure. Some  tribes  had  painted  skins — beauty, 
in  their  view,  consisting,  apparently,  in  hide- 
ousness.  There  was  one  barbarian  horde  who 
wore  very  little  clothing  of  any  kind.  They 
had  knotty  clubs  for  weapons,  and,  in  lieu  of  a 
dress,  they  had  painted  their  naked  bodies  half 
white  and  half  a  bright  vermilion. 

In  all  this  vast  array,  the  corps  which  stood 
at  the  head,  in  respect  to  their  rank  and  the 
costliness  and  elegance  of  their  equipment,  was 
a  Persian  squadron  often  thousand  men,  called 
the  Immortals.  They  had  received  this  desig- 
nation from  the  fact  that  the  body  was  kept  al- 
ways exactly  full,  as,  whenever  any  one  of  the 
number  died,  another  soldier  was  instantly  put 
into  his  place,  whose  life  was  considered  in 


B.C. 480.]  Review  of  the  Troops.      133 

Privileges  of  the  Immortals.  The  fleet. 

some  respects  a  continuation  of  the  existence 
of  the  man  who  had  fallen.  Thus,  by  a  fiction 
somewhat  analogous  to  that  by  which  the  king, 
in  England,  never  dies,  these  ten  thousand  Per- 
sians were  an  immortal  band.  They  were  all 
carefully-selected  soldiers,  and  they  enjoyed  very 
unusual  privileges  and  honors.  They  were 
mounted  troops,  and  their  dress  and  their  arm- 
or were  richly  decorated  with  gold.  They  were 
accompanied  in  their  campaigns  by  their  wives 
and  families,  for  whose  use  carriages  were  pro- 
vided which  followed  the  camp,  and  there  was 
a  long  train  of  camels  besides,  attached  to  the 
service  of  the  corps,  to  carry  their  provisions 
and  their  baggage. 

While  all  these  countless  varieties  of  land 
troops  were  marshaling  and  arranging  them- 
selves upon  the  plain,  each  under  its  own  offi- 
cers and  around  its  own  standards,  the  naval 
commanders  were  employed  in  bringing  up  the 
fleet  of  galleys  to  the  shore,  where  they  were 
anchored  in  a  long  line  not  far  from  the  beach, 
and  with  their  prows  toward  the  land.  Thus 
there  was  a  space  of  open  water  left  between 
the  line  of  vessels  and  the  beach,  along  which 
Xerxes's  barge  was  to  pass  when  the  time  for 
the  naval  part  of  the  review  should  arrive, 


134  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Xerxes  reviews  the  troops.  He  reviews  the  fleet 

When  all  things  were  ready,  Xerxes  mount- 
ed his  war  chariot  and  rode  slowly  around  the 
plain,  surveying  attentively,  and  with  great  in- 
terest and  pleasure,  the  long  lines  of  soldiers,  in 
all  their  variety  of  equipment  and  costume,  as 
they  stood  displayed  before  him.  It  required  a 
progress  of  many  miles  to  see  them  all.  When 
this  review  of  the  land  forces  was  concluded, 
the  king  went  to  the  shore,  and  embarked  on 
board  a  royal  galley  which  had  been  prepared 
for  him,  and  there,  seated  upon  the  deck  under 
a  gilded  canopy,  he  was  rowed  by  the  oarsmen 
along  the  line  of  ships,  between  their  prows  and 
the  land.  The  ships  were  from  many  nations 
as  well  as  the  soldiers,  and  exhibited  the  same 
variety  of  fashion  and  equipment.  The  land 
troops  had  come  from  the  inland  realms  and 
provinces  which  occupied  the  heart  of  Asia, 
while  the  ships  and  the  seamen  had  been  fur- 
nished by  the  maritime  regions  which  extended 
along  the  coasts  of  the  Black,  and  the  ^Egean, 
and  the  Mediterranean  Seas.  Thus  the  people 
of  Egypt  had  furnished  two  hundred  ships,  the 
Phoenicians  three  hundred,  Cyprus  fifty,  the  Ci- 
licians  and  the  Ionians  one  hundred  each,  and 
so  with  a  great  many  other  nations  and  tribes. 

The  various  squadrons  which  were  thus  com- 


B.C. 480.]  Review  of  the  Troops.      135 

A  lady  admiral.  Her  abilities 

bined  in  forming  this  immense  fleet  were  man- 
ned and  officered,  of  course,  from  the  nations 
that  severally  furnished  them,  and  one  of  them 
was  actually  commanded  in  person  by  a  queen. 
The  name  of  this  lady  admiral  was  Artemisia. 
She  was  the  Queen  of  Caria,  a  small  province 
in  the  southwestern  part  of  Asia  Minor,  hav- 
ing Halicarnassus  for  its  capital.  Artemisia, 
though  in  history  called  a  queen,  was,  in  real- 
ity, more  properly  a  regent,  as  she  governed  in 
the  name  of  her  son,  who  was  yet  a  child.  The 
quota  of  ships  which  Caria  was  to  furnish  was 
five.  Artemisia,  being  a  lady  of  ambitious  and 
masculine  turn  of  mind,  and  fond  of  adventure, 
determined  to  accompany  the  expedition.  Not 
only  her  own  vessels,  but  also  those  from  some 
neighboring  islands,  were  placed  under  her 
charge,  so  that  she  commanded  quite  an  im- 
portant division  of  the  fleet.  She  proved,  also, 
in  the  course  of  the  voyage,  to  be  abundantly 
qualified  for  the  discharge  of  her  duties.  She 
became,  in  fact,  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  ef- 
ficient commanders  in  the  fleet,  not  only  ma- 
neuvering and  managing  her  own  particular  di- 
vision in  a  very  successful  manner,  but  also 
taking  a  very  active  and  important  part  in  the 
general  consultations,  where  what  she  said  was 


136  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Number  of  vessels  in  the  fleet.  Demaratus  the  Greek. 

listened  to  with  great  respect,  and  always  had 
great  weight  in  determining  the  decisions.  In 
the  great  battle  of  Salamis  she  acted  a  very 
conspicuous  part,  as  will  hereafter  appear. 

The  whole  number  of  galleys  of  the  first  class 
in  Xerxes's  fleet  was  more  than  twelve  hund- 
red, a  number  abundantly  sufficient  to  justify 
the  apprehensions  of  Artabanus  that  no  harbor 
would  be  found  capacious  enough  to  shelter 
them  in  the  event  of  a  sudden  storm.  The  line 
which  they  formed  on  this  occasion,  when  drawn 
up  side  by  side  upon  the  shore  for  review,  must 
have  extended  many  miles. 

Xerxes  moved  slowly  along  this  line  in  his 
barge,  attended  by  the  officers  of  his  court  and 
the  great  generals  of  his  army,  who  surveyed 
the  various  ships  as  they  passed  them,  and  not- 
ed the  diverse  national  costumes  and  equip- 
ments of 'the  men  with  curiosity  and  pleasure. 
Among  those  who  attended  the  king  on  this  oc- 
casion was  a  certain  Greek  named  Demaratus, 
an  exile  from  his  native  land,  who  had  fled  to 
Persia,  and  had  been  kindly  received  by  Darius 
some  years  before.  Having  remained  in  the 
Persian  court  until  Xerxes  succeeded  to  the 
throne  and  undertook  the  invasion  of  Greece, 
he  concluded  to  accompany  the  expedition. 


B.C. 480.]  Review  of  the  Troops.      137 

Story  of  Demaratus.  Childhood  of  his  mother. 

The  story  of  the  political  difficulties  in  which 
Demaratus  became  involved  in  his  native  land, 
and  which  led  to  his  flight  from  Greece,  was 
very  extraordinary.     It  was  this  : 

The  mother  of  Demaratus  was  the  daughter 
of  parents  of  high  rank  and  great  affluence  in 
Sparta,  but  in  her  childhood  her  features  were 
extremely  plain  and  repulsive.  Now  there  was 
a  temple  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  place  where 
her  parents  resided,  consecrated  to  Helen,  a 
princess  who,  while  she  lived,  enjoyed  the  fame 
of  being  the  most  beautiful  woman  in  the  world. 
The  nurse  recommended  that  the  child  should 
be  taken  every  day  to  this  temple,  and  that  pe- 
titions should  be  offered  there  at  the  shrine  of 
Helen  that  the  repulsive  deformity  of  her  feat- 
ures might  be  removed.  The  mother  consent- 
ed to  this  plan,  only  enjoining  upon  the  nurse 
not  to  let  any  one  see  the  face  of  her  unfortu- 
nate offspring  in  going  and  returning.  -  The 
nurse  accordingly  carried  the  child  to  the  tem- 
ple day  after  day,  and,  holding  it  in  her  arms 
before  the  shrine,  implored  the  mercy  of  Heav- 
en for  her  helpless  charge,  and  the  bestowal 
upon  it  of  the  boon  of  beauty. 

These  petitions  were,  it  seems,  at  length 
heard,  for  one  day,  when  the  nurse  was  coming 


138  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

The  change.  Ariston,  king  of  Sparta. 

down  from  the  temple,  after  offering  her  cus- 
tomary prayer,  she  was  met  and  accosted  by  a 
mysterious-looking  woman,  who  asked  her  what 
it  was  that  she  was  carrying  in  her  arms.  The 
nurse  replied  that  it  was  a  child.  The  woman 
wanted  to  look  at  it.  The  nurse  refused  to 
show  the  face  of  the  child,  saying  that  she  had 
been  forbidden  to  do  so.  The  woman,  however, 
insisted  upon  seeing  its  face,  and  at  last  the 
nurse  consented  and  removed  the  coverings. 
The  stranger  stroked  down  the  face  of  the  child, 
saying,  at  the  same  time,  that  now  that  child 
should  become  the  most  beautiful  woman  of 
Sparta. 

Her  words  proved  true.  The  features  of  the 
young  girl  rapidly  changed,  and  her  counte- 
nance soon  became  as  wonderful  for  its  loveli- 
ness as  it  had  been  before  for  its  hideous  de- 
formity. When  she  arrived  at  a  proper  age,  a 
certain  Spartan  nobleman  named  Agetus,  a  par- 
ticular friend  of  the  king's,  made  her  his  wife. 

The  name  of  the  king  of  Sparta  at  that  time 
was  Ariston.  He  had  been  twice  married,  and 
his  second  wife  was  still  living,  but  he  had  no 
children.  When  he  came  to  see  and  to  know 
the  beautiful  wife  of  Agetus,  he  wished  to  ob- 
tain her  for  himself,  and  began  to  revolve  the 


B.C. 480.]  Review  of  the  Troops.      139 

The  agreement.  Birth  of  Demaratus. 

subject  in  his  mind,  with  a  view  to  discover 
some  method  by  which  he  might  hope  to  accom- 
plish his  purpose.  He  decided  at  length  upon 
the  following  plan.  He  proposed  to  Agetus  to 
make  an  exchange  of  gifts,  offering  to  give  to 
him  any  one  object  which  he  might  choose  from 
all  his,  that  is,  Ariston's  effects,  provided  that 
Agetus  would,  in  the  same  manner,  give  to 
Ariston  whatever  Ariston  might  choose.  Age- 
tus consented  to  the  proposal,  without,  however, 
giving  it  any  serious  consideration.  As  Aris- 
ton was  already  married,  he  did  not  for  a  mo- 
ment imagine  that  his  wife  could  be  the  object 
which  the  king  would  demand.  The  parties  to 
this  foolish  agreement  confirmed  the  obligation 
of  it  by  a  solemn  oath,  and  then  each  made 
known  to  the  other  what  he  had  selected.  Asre- 
tus  gained  some  jewel,  or  costly  garment,  or 
perhaps  a  gilded  and  embellished  weapon,  and 
lost  forever  his  beautiful  wife.  Ariston  repu- 
diated his  own  second  wife,  and  put  the  prize 
which  he  had  thus  surreptitiously  acquired  in 
her  place  as  a  third. 

About  seven  or  eight  months  after  this  time 
Demaratus  was  born.  The  intelligence  was 
brought  to  Ariston  one  day  by  a  slave,  when  he 
was  sitting  at  a  public  tribunal.    Ariston  seem- 


140  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Demaratus  disowned.  His  flight. 

ed  surprised  at  the  intelligence,  and  exclaimed 
that  the  child  was  not  his.  He,  however,  aft- 
erward retracted  this  disavowal,  and  owned 
Demaratus  as  his  son.  The  child  grew  up,  and 
in  process  of  time,  when  his  father  died,  he  suc- 
ceeded to  the  throne.  The  magistrates,  how- 
ever, who  had  heard  the  declaration  of  his  fa- 
ther at  the  time  of  his  birth,  remembered  it, 
and  reported  it  to  others ;  and  when  Ariston 
died  and  Demaratus  assumed  the  supreme  pow- 
er, the  next  heir  denied  his  right  to  the  succes- 
sion, and  in  process  of  time  formed  a  strong 
party  against  him.  A  long  series  of  civil  dis- 
sensions arose,  and  at  length  the  claims  of  Dem- 
aratus were  defeated,  his  enemies  triumphed, 
and  he  fled  from  the  country  to  save  his  life. 
He  arrived  at  Susa  near  the  close  of  Darius's 
reign,  and  it  was  his  counsel  which  led  the  king 
to  decide  the  contest  among  his  sons  for  the 
right  of  succession,  in  favor  of  Xerxes,  as  de- 
scribed at  the  close  of  the  first  chapter.  Xerx- 
es had  remembered  his  obligations  to  Demara- 
tus for  this  interposition.  He  had  retained  him 
in  the  royal  court  after  his  accession  to  the 
throne,  and  had  bestowed  upon  him  many  marks 
of  distinction  and  honor. 

Demaratus  had  decided  to  accompany  Xerx- 


B.C. 480.]  Review  of  the  Troops.      141 

Question  of  Xerxes.  Perplexity  of  Demaratus. 

es  on  his  expedition  into  Greece,  and  now,  while 
the  Persian  officers  were  looking  with  so  much 
pride  and  pleasure  on  the  immense  prepara- 
tions which  they  were  making  for  the  subjuga- 
tion of  a  foreign  and  hostile  state,  Demaratus, 
too,  was  in  the  midst  of  the  scene,  regarding 
the  spectacle  with  no  less  of  interest,  probably, 
and  yet,  doubtless,  with  very  different  feelings, 
since  the  country  upon  which  this  dreadful 
cloud  of  gloom  and  destruction  was  about  to 
burst  was  his  own  native  land. 

After  the  review  was  ended,  Xerxes  sent  for 
Demaratus  to  come  to  the  castle.  When  he 
arrived,  the  king  addressed  him  as  follows : 
.  "  You  are  a  Greek,  Demaratus,  and  you 
know  your  countrymen  well ;  and  now,  as  you 
have  seen  the  fleet  and  the  army  that  have  been 
displayed  here  to-day,  tell  me  what  is  your 
opinion.  Do  you  think  that  the  Greeks  will 
undertake  to  defend  themselves  against  such  a 
force,  or  will  they  submit  at  once  without  at- 
tempting any  resistance  ?" 

Demaratus  seemed  at  first  perplexed  and  un- 
certain, as  if  not  knowing  exactly  what  answer 
to  make  to  the  question.  At  length  he  asked 
the  king  whether  it  was  his  wish  that  he  should 
respond  by  speaking  the  blunt  and  honest  truth, 


142  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Demaratus  describes  the  Spartans.  Surprise  of  Xerxes. 

or  by  saying  what  would  be  polite  and  agree- 
able. 

Xerxes  replied  that  he  wished  him,  of  course, 
to  speak  the  truth.  The  truth  itself  would  be 
what  he  should  consider  the  most  agreeable. 

"  Since  you  desire  it,  then,"  said  Demaratus, 
"I  will  speak  the  exact  truth.  Greece  is  the 
child  of  poverty.  The  inhabitants  of  the  land 
have  learned  wisdom  and  discipline  in  the  se- 
vere school  of  adversity,  and  their  resolution 
and  courage  are  absolutely  indomitable.  They 
all  deserve  this  praise ;  but  I  speak  more  par- 
ticularly of  my  own  countrymen,  the  people  of 
Sparta.  I  am  sure  that  they  will  reject  any 
proposal  which  you  may  make  to  them  for  sub- 
mission to  your  power,  and  that  they  will  resist 
you  to  the  last  extremity.  The  disparity  of 
numbers  will  have  no  influence  whatever  on 
their  decision.  If  all  the  rest  of  Greece  were 
to  submit  to  you,  leaving  the  Spartans  alone, 
and  if  they  should  find  themselves  unable  to 
muster  more  than  a  thousand  men,  they  would 
give  you  battle." 

Xerxes  expressed  great  surprise  at  this  asser- 
tion, and  thought  that  Demaratus  could  not 
possibly  mean  what  he  seemed  to  say.  "I  ap- 
peal to  yourself,"  said  he  ;  "  would  you  dare  to 


B.C. 480.]  Review  of  the  Troops.      143 

Reply  of  Xerxes.  Hia  displeasure. 

encounter,  alone,  ten  men?  You  have  been 
the  prince  of  the  Spartans,  and  a  prince  ought, 
at  least,  to  be  equal  to  two  common  men ;  so 
that  to  show  that  the  Spartans  in  general  could 
be  brought  to  fight  a  superiority  of  force  of  even 
ten  to  one,  it  ought  to  appear  that  you  would 
dare  to  engage  twenty.  This  is  manifestly  ab- 
surd. In  fact,  for  any  person  to  pretend  to  be 
able  or  willing  to  fight  under  such  a  disparity 
of  numbers,  evinces  only  pride  and  insolent  pre- 
sumption. And  even  this  proportion  of  ten  to 
one,  or  even  twenty  to  one,  is  nothing  compar- 
ed to  the  real  disparity ;  for,  even  if  we  grant 
to  the  Spartans  as  large  a  force  as  there  is  any 
possibility  of  their  obtaining,  I  shall  then  have 
a  thousand  to  one  against  them. 

"Besides,"  continued  the  king,  " there  is  a 
great  difference  in  the  character  of  the  troops. 
The  Greeks  are  all  freemen,  while  my  soldiers 
are  all  slaves — bound  absolutely  to  do  my  bid- 
ding, without  complaint  or  murmur.  Such  sol- 
diers as  mine,  who  are  habituated  to  submit 
entirely  to  the  will  of  another,  and  who  live  un- 
der the  continual  fear  of  the  lash,  might,  per- 
haps, be  forced  to  go  into  battle  against  a  great 
superiority  of  numbers,  or  under  other  manifest 
disadvantages  ;  but  free  men,  never.     I  do  not 


144  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Demaratus's  apology.  His  gratitude  to  Darius. 

believe  that  a  body  of  Greeks  could  be  brought 
to  engage  a  body  of  Persians,  man  for  man. 
Every  consideration  shows,  thus,  that  the  opin- 
ion which  you  have  expressed  is  unfounded. 
You  could  only  have  been  led  to  entertain  such 
an  opinion  through  ignorance  and  unaccount- 
able presumption." 

"I  was  afraid,"  replied  Demaratus,  "from 
the  first,  that,  by  speaking  the  truth,  I  should 
offend  you.  I  should  not  have  given  you  my 
real  opinion  of  the  Spartans  if  you  bad  not  or- 
dered me  to  speak  without  reserve.  You  cer- 
tainly can  not  suppose  me  to  have  been  influ- 
enced by  a  feeling  of  undue  partiality  for  the 
men  whom  I  commended,  since  they  have  been 
my  most  implacable  and  bitter  enemies,  and 
have  driven  me  into  hopeless  exile  from  my  na- 
tive land.  Your  father,  on  the  other  hand,  re- 
ceived and  protected  me,  and  the  sincere  grat- 
itude which  I  feel  for  the  favors  which  I  have 
received  from  him  and  from  you  incline  me  to 
take  the  most  favorable  view  possible  of  the 
Persian  cause. 

"I  certainly  should  not  be  willing,  as  you 
justly  suppose,  to  engage,  alone,  twenty  men, 
or  ten,  or  even  one,  unless  there  was  an  abso- 
lute necessity  for  it.    I  do  not  say  that  any  sin- 


B.C. 480.]  Review  of  the  Troops.      145 

Demaratus's  defense  of  the  Spartans.  They  are  governed  by  law. 

gle  Lacedemonian  could  successfully  encounter 
ten  or  twenty  Persians,  although  in  personal 
conflicts  they  are  certainly  not  inferior  to  other 
men.  It  is  when  they  are  combined  in  a  body, 
even  though  that  body  be  small,  that  their  great 
superiority  is  seen. 

"As  to  their  being  free,  and  thus  not  easily 
led  into  battle  in  circumstances  of  imminent 
danger,  it  must  be  considered  that  their  freedom 
is  not  absolute,  like  that  of  savages  in  a  fray, 
where  each  acts  according  to  his  own  individ- 
ual will  and  pleasure,  but  it  is  qualified  and 
controlled  by  law.  The  Spartan  soldiers  are 
not  personal  slaves,  governed  by  the  lash  of  a 
master,  it  is  true ;  but  they  have  certain  prin- 
ciples of  obligation  and  duty  which  they  all  feel 
most  solemnly  bound  to  obey.  They  stand  in 
greater  awe  of  the  authority  of  this  law  than 
your  subjects  do  of  the  lash.  It  commands 
them  never  to  fly  from  the  field  of  battle,  what- 
ever may  be  the  number  of  their  adversaries. 
It  commands  them  to  preserve  their  ranks,  to 
stand  firm  at  the  posts  assigned  them,  and  there 
to  conquer  or  die. 

"  This  is  the  truth  in  respect  to  them.  If 
what  I  say  seems  to  you  absurd,  I  will  in  fu- 
ture be  silent.  I  have  spoken  honestly  what  I 
K 


146  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Xerxes  resumes  his  march.  Division  of  the  army. 

think,  because  your  majesty  commanded  me  to 
do  so  ;  and,  notwithstanding  what  I  have  said, 
I  sincerely  wish  that  all  your  majesty's  desires 
and  expectations  may  be  fulfilled." 

The  ideas  which  Demaratus  thus  appeared 
to  entertain  of  danger  to  the  countless  and  for- 
midable hosts  of  Xerxes's  army,  from  so  small 
and  insignificant  a  power  as  that  of  Sparta, 
seemed  to  Xerxes  too  absurd  to  awaken  any 
serious  displeasure  in  his  mind.  He  only  smil- 
ed, therefore,  at  Demaratus's  fears,  and  dis- 
missed him. 

Leaving  a  garrison  and  a  governor  in  posses- 
sion of  the  castle  of  Doriscus,  Xerxes  resumed 
his  march  along  the  northern  shores  of  the 
.ZEgean  Sea,  the  immense  swarms  of  men  fill- 
ing all  the  roads,  devouring  every  thing  capable 
of  being  used  as  food,  either  for  beast  or  man, 
and  drinking  all  the  brooks  and  smaller  rivers 
dry.  Even  with  this  total  consumption  of  the 
food  and  the  water  which  they  obtained  on  the 
march,  the  supplies  would  have  been  found  in- 
sufficient if  the  whole  army  had  advanced 
through  one  tract  of  country.  They  accord- 
ingly divided  the  host  into  three  great  columns, 
one  of  which  kept  near  the  shore;  the  other 
marched  far  in  the  interior,  and  the  third  in  the 


B.C.480.]  Review  of  the  Troops.      147 

The  Strymon.  Human  sacrificea. 

intermediate  space.  They  thus  exhausted  the 
resources  of  a  very  wide  region.  All  the  men, 
too,  that  were  capable  of  bearing  arms  in  the 
nations  that  these  several  divisions  passed  on 
the  way,  they  compelled  to  join  them,  so  that 
the  army  left,  as  it  moved  along,  a  very  broad 
extent  of  country  trampled  down,  impoverished, 
desolate,  and  full  of  lamentation  and  woe.  The 
whole  march  was  perhaps  the  most  gigantic 
crime  against  the  rights  and  the  happiness  of 
man  that  human  wickedness  has  ever  been  able 
to  commit. 

The  army  halted,  from  time  to  time,  for  va- 
rious purposes,  sometimes  for  the  performance 
of  what  they  considered  religious  ceremonies, 
which  were  intended  to  propitiate  the  supernat- 
ural powers  of  the  earth  and  of  the  air.  When 
they  reached  the  Strymon,  where,  it  will  be  rec- 
ollected, a  bridge  had  been  previously  built,  so 
as  to  be  ready  for  the  army  when  it  should  ar- 
rive, they  offered  a  sacrifice  of  five  white  horses 
to  the  river.  In  the  same  region,  too,  they 
halted  at  a  place  called  the  Nine  Ways,  where 
Xerxes  resolved  to  offer  a  human  sacrifice  to  a 
certain  god  whom  the  Persians  believed  to  re- 
side in  the  interior  of  the  earth.  The  mode  of 
sacrificing  to  this  god  was  to  bury  the  wretched 


148  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Arrival  at  the  canal.  Death  of  the  engineer. 

victims  alive.  The  Persians  seized,  according- 
ly, by  Xerxes's  orders,  nine  young  men  and 
nine  girls  from  among  the  people  of  the  coun- 
try, and  buried  them  alive  ! 

Marching  slowly  on  in  this  manner,  the  army 
at  length  reached  the  point  upon  the  coast 
where  the  canal  had  been  cut  across  the  isth- 
mus of  Mount  Athos.  The  town  which  was 
nearest  to  this  spot  was  Acanthus,  the  situa- 
tion of  which,  together  with  that  of  the  canal, 
will  be  found  upon  the  map.  The  fleet  arrived 
at  this  point  by  sea  nearly  at  the  same  time 
with  the  army  coming  by  land.  Xerxes  exam- 
ined the  canal,  and  was  extremely  well  satisfied 
with  its  construction.  He  commended  the  chief 
engineer,  whose  name  was  Artachsees,  in  the 
highest  terms,  for  the  successful  manner  in 
which  he  had  executed  the  work,  and  rendered 
him  very  distinguished  honors. 

It  unfortunately  happened,  however,  that,  a 
few  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  and  the 
army  at  the  canal,  and  before  the  fleet  had 
commenced  the  passage  of  it,  that  Artachsees 
died.  The  king  considered  this  event  as  a  se- 
rious calamity  to  him,  as  he  expected  that  oth- 
er occasions  would  arrive  on  which  he  would 
have  occasion  to  avail  himself  of  the  engineer's 


B.C. 480.]  Review  of  the  Troops.      149 

Burial  of  the  engineer.  A  grand  feast. 

talents  and  skill.  He  ordered  preparations  to 
be  made  for  a  most  magnificent  burial,  and  the 
body  was  in  due  time  deposited  in  the  grave 
with  imposing  funeral  solemnities.  A  very 
splendid  monument,  too,  was  raised  upon  the 
spot,  which  employed,  for  some  time,  all  the 
mechanical  force  of  the  army  in  its  erection. 

While  Xerxes  remained  at  Acanthus,  he  re- 
quired the  people  of  the  neighboring  country  to 
entertain  his  army  at  a  grand  feast,  the  cost  of 
which  totally  ruined  them.  Not  only  was  all 
the  food  of  the  vicinity  consumed,  but  all  the 
means  and  resources  of  the  inhabitants,  of  ev- 
ery kind,  were  exhausted  in  the  additional  sup- 
plies which  they  had  to  procure  from  the  sur- 
rounding regions.  At  this  feast  the  army  in 
general  ate,  seated  in  groups  upon  the  ground, 
in  the  open  air ;  but  for  Xerxes  and  the  nobles 
of  the  court  a  great  pavilion  was  built,  where 
tables  were  spread,  and  vessels  and  furniture  of 
silver  and  gold,  suitable  to  the  dignity  of  the 
occasion,  were  provided.  Almost  all  the  prop- 
erty which  the  people  of  the  region  had  accu- 
mulated by  years  of  patient  industry  was  con- 
sumed at  once  in  furnishing  the  vast  amount 
of  food  which  was  required  for  this  feast,  and 
the  gold  and  silver  plate  which  was  to  be  used 


150  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Scene  of  revelry.  Desolation  and  depopulation  of  the  country. 

in  the  pavilion.  During  the  entertainment,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  country  waited  upon  their 
exacting  and  insatiable  guests  until  they  were 
utterly  exhausted  by  the  fatigues  of  the  service. 
When,  at  length,  the  feast  was  ended,  and 
Xerxes  and  his  company  left  the  pavilion,  the 
vast  assembly  outside  broke  up  in  disorder,  pull- 
ed the  pavilion  to  pieces,  plundered  the  tables 
of  the  gold  and  silver  plate,  and  departed  to 
their  several  encampments,  leaving  nothing  be- 
hind them. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  country  were  so  com- 
pletely impoverished  and  ruined  by  these  exac- 
tions, that  those  who  were  not  impressed  into 
Xerxes's  service  and  compelled  to  follow  his 
army,  abandoned  their  homes,  and  roamed  away 
in  the  hope  of  finding  elsewhere  the  means  of 
subsistence  which  it  was  no  longer  possible  to 
obtain  on  their  own  lands ;  and  thus,  when 
Xerxes  at  last  gave  orders  to  the  fleet  to  pass 
through  the  canal,  and  to  his  army  to  resume 
its  march,  he  left  the  whole  region  utterly  de- 
populated and  desolate. 

He  went  on  to  Therma,  a  port  situated  on 
the  northwestern  corner  of  the  iEgean  Sea, 
which  was  the  last  of  his  places  of  rendezvous 
before  his  actual  advance  into  Greece. 


B.C. 480.1  The  Greeks.  151 


The  Greeks.  The  two  prominent  states  of  Greece. 


Chapter  VII. 

The  Preparations  of  the  Greeks 
for  Defense. 

T^TTE  must  now  leave,  for  a  time,  the  oper- 
™  *  ations  of  Xerxes  and  his  army,  and  turn 
our  attention  to  the  Greeks,  and  to  the  prepar- 
ations which  they  were  making  to  meet  the 
emergency. 

The  two  states  of  Greece  which  were  most 
prominent  in  the  transactions  connected  with 
the  invasion  of  Xerxes  were  Athens  and  Spar- 
ta. By  referring  to  the  map,  Athens  will  be 
found  to  have  been  situated  upon  a  promontory 
just  without  the  Peloponnesus,  while  Sparta, 
on  the  other  hand,  was  in  the  center  of  a  valley 
which  lay  in  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula. 
Each  of  these  cities  was  the  center  and  strong- 
hold of  a  small  but  very  energetic  and  power- 
ful commonwealth.  The  two  states  were  en- 
tirely independent  of  each  other,  and  each  had 
its  own  peculiar  system  of  government,  of  usag- 
es, and  of  laws.  These  systems,  and,  in  fact, 
the  characters  of  the  two  communities,  in  all 
respects,  were  extremely  dissimilar, 


152  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Greek  kings.  The  two  kings  of  Sparta. 

Both  these  states,  though  in  name  republics, 
had  certain  magistrates,  called  commonly,  in 
history,  kings.  These  kings  were,  however,  in 
fact,  only  military  chieftains,  commanders  of 
the  armies  rather  than  sovereign  rulers  of  the 
state.  The  name  by  which  such  a  chieftain 
was  actually  called  by  the  people  themselves, 
in  those  days,  was  tyr 'annus,  the  name  from 
which  our  word  tyrant  is  derived.  As,  how- 
ever, the  word  tyr  annus  had  none  of  that  op- 
probrious import  which  is  associated  with  its 
English  derivative,  the  latter  is  not  now  a  suit- 
able substitute  for  the  former.  Historians, 
therefore,  commonly  use  the  word  king  instead, 
though  that  word  does  not  properly  express  the 
idea.  They  were  commanders,  chieftains,  he- 
reditary generals,  but  not  strictly  kings.  We 
shall,  however,  often  call  them  kings,  in  these 
narratives,  in  conformity  with  the  general  usage. 
Demaratus,  who  had  fled  from  Sparta  to  seek 
refuge  with  Darius,  and  who  was  now  accom- 
panying Xerxes  on  his  march  to  Greece,  was 
one  of  these  kings. 

It  was  a  peculiarity  in  the  constitution  of 
Sparta  that,  from  a  very  early  period  of  its  his- 
tory, there  had  been  always  two  kings,  who  had 
held  the  supreme  command  in  conjunction  with 


B.C. 480.]  The  Greeks.  153 

Origin  of  the  custom  of  two  kings.  The  twins. 

each  other,  like  the  Roman  consuls  in  later 
times.  This  custom  was  sustained  partly  by 
the  idea  that  by  this  division  of  the  executive 
power  of  the  state,  the  exercise  of  the  power 
was  less  likely  to  become  despotic  or  tyrannic- 
al. It  had  its  origin,  however,  according  to  the 
ancient  legends,  in  the  following  singular  oc- 
currences : 

At  a  very  early  period  in  the  history  of  Spar- 
ta, when  the  people  had  always  been  accus- 
tomed, like  other  states,  to  have  one  prince  or 
chieftain,  a  certain  prince  died,  leaving  his  wife, 
whose  name  was  Argia,  and  two  infant  chil- 
dren, as  his  survivors.  The  children  were  twins, 
and  the  father  had  died  almost  immediately  aft- 
er they  were  born.  Now  the  office  of  king  was 
in  a  certain  sense  hereditary,  and  yet  not  abso- 
lutely so ;  for  the  people  were  accustomed  to 
assemble  on  the  death  of  the  king,  and  determ- 
ine who  should  be  his  successor,  choosing  al- 
ways, however,,  the  oldest  son  of  the  former 
monarch,  unless  there  was  some  very  extraor- 
dinary and  imperious  reason  for  not  doing  so. 
In  this  case  they  decided,  as  usual,  that  the  old- 
est son  should  be  king. 

But  here  a  very  serious  difficulty  arose,  which 
was,  to  determine  which  of  the  twins  was  the 


154  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

The  Delphic  oracle  consulted.  Plan  for  ascertaining  the  eldest. 

oldest  son.  They  resembled  each  other  so  close- 
ly that  no  stranger  could  distinguish  one  from 
the  other  at  all.  The  mother  said  that  she 
could  not  distinguish  them,  and  that  she  did 
not  know  which  was  the  first-born.  This  was 
not  strictly  true ;  for  she  did,  in  fact,  know, 
and  only  denied  her  power  to  decide  the  ques- 
tion because  she  wished  to  have  both  of  her 
children  kings. 

In  this  perplexity  the  Spartans  sent  to  the 
oracle  at  Delphi  to  know  what  they  were  to  do. 
The  oracle  gave,  as  usual,  an  ambiguous  and 
unsatisfactory  response.  It  directed  the  people 
to  make  both  the  children  kings,  but  to  render 
the  highest  honors  to  the  first-born.  When 
this  answer  was  reported  at  Sparta,  it  only  in- 
creased the  difficulty ;  for  how  were  they  to 
render  peculiar  honors  to  the  first-born  unless 
they  could  ascertain  which  the  first-born  was  ? 

In  this  dilemma,  some  person  suggested  to 
the  magistrates  that  perhaps  Argia  really  knew 
which  was  the  eldest  child,  and  that  if  so,  by 
watching  her,  to  see  whether  she  washed  and 
fed  one,  uniformly,  before  the  other,  or  gave  it 
precedence  in  any  other  way,  by  which  her  la- 
tent maternal  instinct  or  partiality  might  ap- 
pear, the  question  might  possibly  be  determin- 


B.C.480.]  The  Greeks.  155 

Civil  dissensions.  Two  lines  established. 

ed.  This  plan  was  accordingly  adopted.  The 
magistrates  contrived  means  to  place  a  servant 
maid  in  the  house  to  watch  the  mother  in  the 
way  proposed,  and  the  result  was  that  the  true 
order  of  birth  was  revealed.  From  that  time 
forward,  while  they  were  both  considered  as 
princes,  the  one  now  supposed  to  be  the  first- 
born took  precedence  of  the  other. 

When,  however,  the  children  arrived  at  an 
age  to  assume  the  exercise  of  the  governmental 
power,  as  there  was  no  perceptible  difference 
between  them  in  age,  or  strength,  or  accom- 
plishments, the  one  who  had  been  decided  to 
be  the  younger  was  little  disposed  to  submit  to 
the  other.  Each  had  his  friends  and  adherents, 
parties  were  formed,  and  a  long  and  angry  civil 
dissension  ensued.  In  the  end  the  question  was 
compromised,  the  command  was  divided,  and 
the  system  of  having  two  chief  magistrates  be- 
came gradually  established,  the  power  descend- 
ing in  two  lines,  from  father  to  son,  through 
many  generations.  Of  course  there  was  per- 
petual jealousy  and  dissension,  and  often  open 
and  terrible  conflicts,  between  these  two  rival 
lines. 

The  Spartans  were  an  agricultural  people, 
cultivating  the  valley  in  the  southeastern  part 


156  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Character  of  the  Spartans.  Their  lofty  spirit. 

of  the  Peloponnesus,  the  waters  of  which  were 
collected  and  conveyed  to  the  sea  by  the  River 
Eurotas  and  its  branches.  They  lived  in  the 
plainest  possible  manner,  and  prided  themselves 
on  the  stern  and  stoical  resolution  with  which 
they  rejected  all  the  refinements  and  luxuries 
of  society.  Courage,  hardihood,  indifference  to 
life,  and  the  power  to  endure  without  a  mur- 
mur the  most  severe  and  protracted  sufferings, 
were  the  qualities  which  they  valued.  They 
despised  wealth  just  as  other  nations  despise 
effeminacy  and  foppery.  Their  laws  discour- 
aged commerce,  lest  it  should  make  some  of  the 
people  rich.  Their  clothes  were  scanty  and 
plain,  their  houses  were  comfortless,  their  food 
was  a  coarse  bread,  hard  and  brown,  and  their 
money  was  of  iron.  With  all  this,  however, 
they  were  the  most  ferocious  and  terrible  sol- 
diers in  the  world. 

They  were,  moreover,  with  all  their  plain- 
ness of  manners  and  of  life,  of  a  very  proud  and 
lofty  spirit.  All  agricultural  toil,  and  every 
other  species  of  manual  labor  in  their  state,  were 
performed  by  a  servile  peasantry,  while  the  free 
citizens,  whose  profession  was  exclusively  that 
of  arms,  were  as  aristocratic  and  exalted  in  soul 
as  any  nobles  on  earth.    People  are  sometimes, 


B.C. 480.]  The  Greeks.  157 

The  Athenians.  The  city  of  Athens. 

in  our  day,  when  money  is  so  much  valued, 
proud,  notwithstanding  their  poverty.  The 
Spartans  were  proud  of  their  poverty  itself. 
They  could  be  rich  if  they  chose,  but  they  de- 
spised riches.  They  looked  down  on  all  the  re- 
finements and  delicacies  of  dress  and  of  living 
from  an  elevation  far  above  them.  They  look- 
ed down  on  labor,  too,  with  the  same  contempt. 
They  were  yet  very  nice  and  particular  about 
their  dress  and  military  appearance,  though  ev- 
ery thing  pertaining  to  both  was  coarse  and 
simple,  and  they  had  slaves  to  wait  upon  them 
even  in  their  campaigns. 

The  Athenians  were  a  totally  different  peo- 
ple. The  leading  classes  in  their  common- 
wealth were  cultivated,  intellectual,  and  refin- 
ed. The  city  of  Athens  was  renowned  for  the 
splendor  of  its  architecture,  its  temples,  its  cit- 
adels, its  statues,  and  its  various  public  institu- 
tions, which  in  subsequent  times  made  it  the 
great  intellectual  center  of  Europe.  It  was 
populous  and  wealthy.  It  had  a  great  com- 
merce and  a  powerful  fleet.  The  Spartan  char- 
acter, in  a  word,  was  stern,  gloomy,  indomita- 
ble, and  wholly  unadorned.  The  Athenians 
were  rich,  intellectual,  and  refined.  The  two 
nations  were  nearly  equal  in  power,  and  were 
engaged  in  a  perpetual  and  incessant  rivalry. 


158  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Sparta  and  Athens  defy  the  Persians.  Earth  and  water. 

There  were  various  other  states  and  cities  in 
Greece,  but  Athens  and  Sparta  were  at  this 
time  the  most  considerable,  and  they  were  al- 
together the  most  resolute  and  determined  in 
their  refusal  to  submit  to  the  Persian  sway. 
In  fact,  so  well  known  and  understood  was  the 
spirit  of  defiance  with  which  these  two  powers 
were  disposed  to  regard  the  Persian  invasion, 
that  when  Xerxes  sent  his  summons  demand- 
ing submission,  to  the  other  states  of  Greece,  he 
did  not  send  any  to  these.  When  Darius  in- 
vaded Greece  some  years  before,  he  had  sum- 
moned Athens  and  Sparta  as  well  as  the  oth- 
ers, but  his  demands  were  indignantly  rejected. 
It  seems  that  the  custom  was  for  a  government 
or  a  prince,  when  acknowledging  the  dominion 
of  a  superior  power,  to  send,  as  a  token  of  ter- 
ritorial submission,  a  little  earth  and  water, 
which  was  a  sort  of  legal  form  of  giving  up  pos- 
session of  their  country  to  the  sovereign  who 
claimed  it.  Accordingly,  when  Darius  sent  his 
embassadors  into  Greece  to  summon  the  coun- 
try to  surrender,  the  embassadors,  according  to 
the  usual  form,  called  upon  the  governments  of 
the  several  states  to  send  earth  and  water  to  the 
king.  The  Athenians,  as  has  been  already 
said,  indignantly  refused  to  comply  with  this 


B.C. 480.]  The  Greeks.  161 

Spirit  of  the  Spartans.  The  blank  tablets. 

demand.  The  Spartans,  not  content  with  a 
simple  refusal,  seized  the  embassadors  and 
threw  them  into  a  well,  telling  them,  as  they 
went  down,  that  if  they  wanted  earth  and  wa- 
ter for  the  King  of  Persia,  they  might  get  it 
there. 

The  Greeks  had  obtained  some  information 
of  Xerxes's  designs  against  them  before  they 
received  his  summons.  The  first  intelligence 
was  communicated  to  the  Spartans  by  Dema- 
ratus  himself,  while  he  was  at  Susa,  in  the  fol- 
lowing singular  manner.  It  was  the  custom, 
in  those  days,  to  write  with  a  steel  point  on  a 
smooth  surface  of  wax.  The  wax  was  spread 
for  this  purpose  on  a  board  or  tablet  of  metal, 
in  a  very  thin  stratum,  forming  a  ground  upon 
which  the  letters  traced  with  the  point  were 
easily  legible.  Demaratus  took  two  writing- 
tablets  such  as  these,  and  removing  the  wax 
from  them,  he  wrote  a  brief  account  of  the  pro- 
posed Persian  invasion,  by  tracing  the  charac- 
ters upon  the  surface  of  the  wood  or  metal  it- 
self, beneath ;  then,  restoring  the  wax  so  as  to 
conceal  the  letters,  he  sent  the  two  tablets, 
seemingly  blank,  to  Leonidas,  king  of  Sparta. 
The  messengers  who  bore  them  had  other  pre- 
texts for  their  journey,  and  they  had  various 
L 


162  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Leonidaa.  His  wife  discovers  the  writing  on  the  tablets. 

other  articles  to  carry.  The  Persian  guards, 
who  stopped  and  examined  the  messengers 
from  time  to  time  along  the  route,  thought 
nothing  of  the  blank  tablets,  and  so  they  reach- 
ed Leonidas  in  safety. 

Leonidas  being  a  blunt,  rough  soldier,  and 
not  much  accustomed  to  cunning  contrivances 
himself,  was  not  usually  much  upon  the  watch 
for  them  from  others,  and  when  he  saw  no  ob- 
vious communication  upon  the  tablets,  he  threw 
them  aside,  not  knowing  what  the  sending  of 
them  could  mean,  and  not  feeling  any  strong 
interest  in  ascertaining.  His  wife,  however — 
her  name  was  Gorgo  —  had  more  curiosity. 
There  was  something  mysterious  about  the  af- 
fair, and  she  wished  to  solve  it.  She  examined 
the  tablets  attentively  in  every  part,  and  at 
length  removed  cautiously  a  little  of  the  wax. 
The  letters  began  to  appear.  Full  of  excite- 
ment and  pleasure,  she  proceeded  with  the  work 
until  the  whole  cereous  coating  was  removed. 
The  result  was,  that  the  communication  was 
revealed,  and  Greece  received  the  warning. 

When  the  Greeks  heard  that  Xerxes  was  at 
Sardis,  they  sent  three  messengers  in  disguise, 
to  ascertain  the  facts  in  respect  to  the  Persian 
army  assembled  there,  and,  so  far  as  possible, 


B.C. 480.]  The  Greeks.  163 

The  three  spies.  Alarm  at  Athens. 

to  learn  the  plans  and  designs  of  the  king. 
Notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  of  these  men  to 
preserve  their  concealment  and  disguise,  they 
were  discovered,  seized,  and  tortured  by  the 
Persian  officer  who  took  them,  until  they  con- 
fessed that  they  were  spies.  The  officer  was 
about  to  put  them  to  death,  when  Xerxes  him- 
self received  information  of  the  circumstances. 
He  forbade  the  execution,  and  directed,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  the  men  should  be  conducted 
through  all  his  encampments,  and  be  allowed 
to  view  and  examine  every  thing.  He  then 
dismissed  them,  wdth  orders  to  return  to  Greece 
and  report  what  they  had  seen.  He  thought, 
he  said,  that  the  Greeks  would  be  more  likely 
to  surrender  if  they  knew  how  immense  his 
preparations  were  for  effectually  vanquishing 
them  if  they  attempted  resistance. 

The  city  of  Athens,  being  farther  north  than 
Sparta,  would  be  the  one  first  exposed  to  dan- 
ger from  the  invasion,  and  when  the  people 
heard  of  Xerxes's  approach,  the  whole  city  was 
filled  with  anxiety  and  alarm.  Some  of  the  in- 
habitants were  panic-stricken,  and  wished  to 
submit ;  others  were  enraged,  and  uttered  noth- 
ing but  threats  and  defiance.  A  thousand  dif- 
ferent plans  of  defense  were  proposed  and  eag- 


164  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

The  Greeks  consult  the  Delphic  oracle.  The  responses. 

erly  discussed.  At  length  the  government  sent 
messengers  to  the  oracle  at  Delphi,  to  learn 
what  their  destiny  was  to  be,  and  to  obtain,  if 
possible,  divine  direction  in  respect  to  the  best 
mode  of  averting  the  danger.  The  messengers 
received  an  awful  response,  portending,  in  wild 
and  solemn,  though  dark  and  mysterious  lan- 
guage, the  most  dreadful  calamities  to  the  ill- 
fated  city.  The  messengers  were  filled  with 
alarm  at  hearing  this  reply.  One  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  Delphi,  the  city  in  which  the  oracle 
was  situated,  proposed  to  them  to  make  a  sec- 
ond application,  in  the  character  of  the  most 
humble  supplicants,  and  to  implore  that  the  or- 
acle would  give  them  some  directions  in  respect 
to  the  best  course  for  them  to  pursue  in  order 
to  avoid,  or,  at  least,  to  mitigate  the  impending 
danger.  They  did  so,  and  after  a  time  they 
received  an  answer,  vague,  mysterious,  and  al- 
most unintelligible,  but  which  seemed  to  denote 
that  the  safety  of  the  city  was  connected  in 
some  manner  with  Salamis,  and  with  certain, 
"  wooden  walls,"  to  which  the  inspired  distich 
of  the  response  obscurely  alluded. 

The  messengers  returned  to  Athens  and  re- 
ported the  answer  which  they  had  received. 
The  people  were  puzzled  and  perplexed  in  their 


B.C. 480]  The  Greeks.  165 

Various  interpretations  of  the  oracle.  The  Athenian  fleet. 

attempts  to  understand  it.  It  seems  that  the 
citadel  of  Athens  had  been  formerly  surrounded 
by  a  wooden  palisade.  Some  thought  that  this 
was  what  was  referred  to  by  the  "  wooden 
walls,"  and  that  the  meaning  of  the  oracle  was 
that  they  must  rebuild  the  palisade,  and  then 
retreat  to  the  citadel  when  the  Persians  should 
approach,  and  defend  themselves  there. 

Others  conceived  that  the  phrase  referred  to 
ships,  and  that  the  oracle  meant  to  direct  them 
to  meet  their  enemies  with  a  fleet  upon  the  sea. 
Salamis,  which  was  also  mentioned  by  the  ora- 
cle, was  an  island  not  far  from  Athens,  being 
west  of  the  city,  between  it  and  the  Isthmus  of 
Corinth.  Those  who  supposed  that  by  the 
"  wooden  walls"  was  denoted  the  fleet,  thought 
that  Salamis  might  have  been  alluded  to  as  the 
place  near  which  the  great  naval  battle  was  to 
be  fought.  This  was  the  interpretation  which 
seemed  finally  to  prevail. 

The  Athenians  had  a  fleet  of  about  two  hund- 
red galleys.  These  vessels  had  been  purchased 
and  built,  some  time  before  this,  for  the  Athe- 
nian government,  through  the  influence  of  a 
certain  public  officer  of  high  rank  and  influ- 
ence, named  Themistocles.  It  seems  that  a 
large  sum  had  accumulated  in  the  public  treas- 


166  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Themistocle8.  Proposed  confederation. 

my,  the  produce  of  certain  mines  belonging  to 
the  city,  and  a  proposal  was  made  to  divide  it 
among  the  citizens,  which  would  have  given  a 
small  sum  to  each  man.  Themistocles  opposed 
this  proposition,  and  urged  instead  that  the  gov- 
ernment should  build  and  equip  a  fleet  with  the 
money.  This  plan  was  finally  adopted.  The 
fleet  was  built,  and  it  was  now  determined  to 
call  it  into  active  service  to  meet  and  repel  the 
Persians,  though  the  naval  armament  of  Xerx- 
es was  six  times  as  large. 

The  next  measure  was  to  establish  a  confed- 
eration, if  possible,  of  the  Grecian  states,  or  at 
least  of  all  those  who  were  willing  to  combine, 
and  thus  to  form  an  allied  army  to  resist  the 
invader.  The  smaller  states  were  very  gener- 
ally panic-stricken,  and  had  either  already  sig- 
nified their  submission  to  the  Persian  rule,  or 
were  timidly  hesitating,  in  doubt  whether  it 
would  be  safer  for  them  to  submit  to  the  over- 
whelming force  which  was  advancing  against 
them,  or  to  join  the  Athenians  and  the  Spartans 
in  their  almost  desperate  attempts  to  resist  it. 
The  Athenians  and  Spartans  settled,  for  the 
time,  their  own  quarrels,  and  held  a  council  to 
take  the  necessary  measures  for  forming  a  more 
extended  confederation, 


B.C.480.]  The  Greeks.  167 

Council  of  Spartans  and  Athenians.  Embassy  to  Argos. 

All  this  took  place  while  Xerxes  was  slowly 
advancing  from  Sardis  to  the  Hellespont,  and 
from  the  Hellespont  to  Doriscus,  as  described  in 
the  preceding  chapter. 

The  council  resolved  on  dispatching  an  em- 
bassy at  once  to  all  the  states  of  Greece,  as  well 
as  to  some  of  the  remoter  neighboring  powers, 
asking  them  to  join  the  alliance. 

The  first  Greek  city  to  which  these  embassa- 
dors came  was  Argos,  which  was  the  capital  of 
a  kingdom  or  state  lying  between  Athens  and 
Sparta,  though  within  the  Peloponnesus.  The 
states  of  Argos  and  of  Sparta,  being  neighbors, 
had  been  constantly  at  war.  Argos  had  recent- 
ly lost  six  thousand  men  in  a  battle  with  the 
Spartans,  and  were,  consequently,  not  likely  to 
be  in  a  very  favorable  mood  for  a  treaty  of 
friendship  and  alliance. 

When  the  embassadors  had  delivered  their 
message,  the  Argolians  replied  that  they  had 
anticipated  such  a  proposal  from  the  time  that 
they  had  heard  that  Xerxes  had  commenced  his 
march  toward  Greece,  and  that  they  had  ap- 
plied, accordingly,  to  the  oracle  at  Delphi,  to 
know  what  it  would  be  best  for  them  to  do  in 
case  the  proposal  were  made.  The  answer  of 
the  oracle  had  been,  they  said,  unfavorable  to 


168  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

The  Argives  reject  the  propositions  of  the  Spartans. 

their  entering  into  an  alliance  with  the  Greeks. 
They  were  willing,  however,  they  added,  not- 
withstanding this,  to  enter  into  an  alliance,  of- 
fensive and  defensive,  with  the  Spartans,  for 
thirty  years,  on  condition  that  they  should 
themselves  have  the  command  of  half  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian  troops.  They  were  entitled  to  the 
command  of  the  whole,  being,  as  they  contend- 
ed, the  superior  nation  in  rank,  but  they  would 
waive  their  just  claim,  and  be  satisfied  with 
half,  if  the  Spartans  would  agree  to  that  ar- 
rangement. 

The  Spartans  replied  that  they  could  not 
agree  to  those  conditions.  They  were  them- 
selves, they  said,  the  superior  nation  in  rank, 
and  entitled  to  the  whole  command ;  and  as 
they  had  two  kings,  and  Argos  but  one,  there 
was  a  double  difficulty  in  complying  with  the 
Argive  demand.  They  could  not  surrender  one 
half  of  the  command  without  depriving  one  of 
their  kings  of  his  rightful  power. 

Thus  the  proposed  alliance  failed  entirely, 
the  people  of  Argos  saying  that  they  would  as 
willingly  submit  to  the  dominion  of  Xerxes  as 
to  the  insolent  demands  and  assumptions  of  su- 
periority made  by  the  government  of  Sparta. 

The    embassadors,    among   other   countries 


B.C. 480.]  The  Greeks.  169 

Embassy  to  Sicily.  Demands  of  Gelon. 

which  they  visited  in  their  attempts  to  obtain 
alliance  and  aid,  went  to  Sicily.  Gelon  was 
the  King  of  Sicily,  and  Syracuse  was  his  cap- 
ital. Here  the  same  difficulty  occurred  which 
had  broken  up  the  negotiations  at  Argos.  The 
embassadors,  when  they  arrived  at  Syracuse, 
represented  to  Gelon  that,  if  the  Persians  sub- 
dued Greece,  they  would  come  to  Sicily  next, 
and  that  it  was  better  for  him  and  for  his  coun- 
trymen that  they  should  meet  the  enemy  while 
he  was  still  at  a  distance,  rather  than  to  wait 
until  he  came  near.  Gelon  admitted  the  just- 
ice of  this  reasoning,  and  said  that  he  would 
furnish  a  large  force,  both  of  ships  and  men,  for 
carrying  on  the  war,  provided  that  he  might 
have  the  command  of  the  combined  army.  To 
this,  of  course,  the  Spartans  would  not  agree. 
He  then  asked  that  he  might  command  the 
fleet,  on  condition  of  giving  up  his  claim  to  the 
land  forces.  This  proposition  the  Athenian  em- 
bassadors rejected,  saying  to  Gelon  that  what 
they  were  in  need  of,  and  came  to  him  to  obtain, 
was  a  supply  of  troops,  not  of  leaders.  The 
Athenians,  they  said,  were  to  command  the 
fleet,  being  not  only  the  most  ancient  nation  of 
Greece,  but  also  the  most  immediately  exposed 
to  the  invasion,  so  that  they  were  doubly  enti- 


170  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

The  embassadors  go  to  Corcyra.  Thessaly. 

tied  to  be  considered  as  the  principals  and  lead- 
ers in  the  war. 

Gelon  then  told  the  embassadors  that,  since 
they  wished  to  obtain  every  thing  and  to  con- 
cede nothing,  they  had  better  leave  his  domin- 
ions without  delay,  and  report  to  their  country- 
men that  they  had  nothing  to  expect  from 
Sicily. 

The  embassadors  went  then  to  Corcyra,  a 
large  island  on  the  western  coast  of  Greece,  in 
the  Adriatic  Sea.  It  is  now  called  Corfu. 
Here  they  seemed  to  meet  with  their  first  suc- 
cess. The  people  of  Corcyra  acceded  to  the 
proposals  made  to  them,  and  promised  at  once 
to  equip  and  man  their  fleet,  and  send  it  round 
into  the  JEgean  Sea.  They  immediately  en- 
gaged in  the  work,  and  seemed  to  be  honestly 
intent  on  fulfilling  their  promises.  They  were, 
however,  in  fact,  only  pretending.  They  were 
really  undecided  which  cause  to  espouse,  the 
Greek  or  the  Persian,  and  kept  their  promised 
squadron  back  by  means  of  various  delays,  un- 
til its  aid  was  no  longer  needed. 

But  the  most  important  of  all  these  negotia- 
tions of  the  Athenians  and  Spartans  with  the 
neighboring  states  were  those  opened  with  Thes- 
saly.   Thessaly  was  a  kingdom  in  the  northern 


B.C. 480.]  The  Greeks.  171 

The  River  Peneus.  The  Vale  of  Tempe. 

part  of  Greece.  It  was,  therefore,  the  territory 
which  the  Persian  armies  would  first  enter,  on 
turning  the  northwestern  corner  of  the  ^Egean 
Sea.  There  were,  moreover,  certain  points  in 
its  geographical  position,  and  in  the  physical 
conformation  of  the  country,  that  gave  it  a  pe- 
culiar importance  in  respect  to  the  approaching 
conflict. 

By  referring  to  the  map  placed  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  fifth  chapter,  it  will  be  seen 
that  Thessaly  was  a  vast  valley,  surrounded  on 
all  sides  by  mountainous  land,  and  drained  by 
the  River  Peneus  and  its  branches.  The  Pe- 
neus flows  eastwardly  to  the  iEgean  Sea,  and 
escapes  from  the  great  valley  through  a  narrow 
and  romantic  pass  lying  between  the  Mountains 
Olympus  and  Ossa.  This  pass  was  called  in 
ancient  times  the  Olympic  Straits,  and  a  part 
of  it  formed  a  romantic  and  beautiful  glen  call- 
ed the  Vale  of  Tempe.  There  was  a  road 
through  this  pass,  which  was  the  only  access 
by  which  Thessaly  could  be  entered  from  the 
eastward. 

To  the  south  of  the  Vale  of  Tempe,  the 
mountains,  as  will  appear  from  the  map,  crowd- 
ed so  hard  upon  the  sea  as  not  to  allow  any 
passage  to  the  eastward  of  them.     The  natural 


172  Xerxes.  [B.C.480. 

Straits  of  Thermopylae.  Question  to  be  decided. 

route  of  Xerxes,  therefore,  in  descending  into 
Greece,  would  be  to  come  down  along  the  coast 
until  he  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Peneus,  and 
then,  following  the  river  up  through  the  Vale 
of  Tempe  into  Thessaly,  to  pass  down  toward 
the  Peloponnesus  on  the  western  side  of  Ossa 
and  Pelion,  and  of  the  other  mountains  near  the 
sea.  If  he  could  get  through  the  Olympic 
Straits  and  the  Vale  of  Tempe,  the  way  would 
be  open  and  unobstructed  until  he  should  reach 
the  southern  frontier  of  Thessaly,  where  there 
was  another  narrow  pass  leading  from  Thessaly 
into  Greece.  This  last  defile  was  close  to  the 
sea,  and  was  called  the  Straits  of  Thermopylae. 

Thus  Xerxes  and  his  hosts,  in  continuing 
their  march  to  the  southward,  must  necessarily 
traverse  Thessaly,  and  in  doing  so  they  would 
have  two  narrow  and  dangerous  denies  to  pass : 
one  at  Mount  Olympus,  to  get  into  the  coun- 
try, and  the  other  at  Thermopylae,  to  get  out 
of  it.  It  consequently  became  a  point  of  great 
importance  to  the  Greeks  to  determine  at  which 
of  these  two  passes  they  should  make  their 
stand  against  the  torrent  which  was  coming 
down  upon  them. 

This  question  would,  of  course,  depend  very 
much  upon  the  disposition  of  Thessaly  herself. 


B.C. 480.]  The  Greeks.  173 

Messengers  from  Thessaly.  Negotiations. 

The  government  of  that  country,  understanding 
the  critical  situation  in  which  they  were  placed, 
had  not  waited  for  the  Athenians  and  Spartans 
to  send  embassadors  to  them,  but,  at  a  very 
early  period  of  the  war — before,  in  fact,  Xerxes 
had  yet  crossed  the  Hellespont,  had  sent  mes- 
sengers to  Athens  to  concert  some  plan  of  action. 
These  messengers  were  to  say  to  the  Athenians 
that  the  government  of  Thessaly  were  expect- 
ing every  day  to  receive  a  summons  from  Xerx- 
es, and  that  they  must  speedily  decide  what 
they  were  to  do;  that  they  themselves  were 
very  unwilling  to  submit  to  him,  but  they 
could  not  undertake  to  make  a  stand  against 
his  immense  host  alone ;  that  the  southern 
Greeks  might  include  Thessaly  in  their  plan  of 
defense,  or  exclude  it,  just  as  they  thought  best. 
If  they  decided  to  include  it,  then  they  must 
make  a  stand  at  the  Olympic  Straits,  that  is, 
at  the  pass  between  Olympus  and  Ossa ;  and  to 
do  that,  it  would  be  necessary  to  send  a  strong 
force  immediately  to  take  possession  of  the  pass. 
If,  on  the  contrary,  they  decided  not  to  defend 
Thessaly,  then  the  pass  of  Thermopylae  would 
be  the  point  at  which  they  must  make  their 
stand,  and  in  that  case  Thessaly  must  be  at 
liberty  to  submit  on  the  first  Persian  summons. 


174  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Decision  to  defend  the -Olympic  Straits.  Sailing  of  the  fleet. 

The  Greeks,  after  consultation  on  the  sub- 
ject, decided  that  it  would  be  best  for  them  to 
defend  Thessaly,  and  to  take  their  stand,  ac- 
cordingly, at  the  Straits  of  Olympus.  They 
immediately  put  a  large  force  on  board  their 
fleet,  armed  and  equipped  for  the  expedition. 
This  was  at  the  time  when  Xerxes  was  just 
about  crossing  the  Hellespont.  The  fleet  sail- 
ed from  the  port  of  Athens,  passed  up  through 
the  narrow  strait  called  Euripus,  lying  between 
the  island  of  Euboea  and  the  main  land,  and 
finally  landed  at  a  favorable  point  of  disembark- 
ation, south  of  Thessaly.  From  this  point  the 
forces  marched  to  the  northward  until  they 
reached  the  Peneus,  and  then  established  them- 
selves at  the  narrowest  part  of  the  passage  be- 
tween the  mountains,  strengthened  their  posi- 
tion there  as  much  as  possible,  and  awaited  the 
coming  of  the  enemy.  The  amount  of  the  force 
was  ten  thousand  men. 

They  had  not  been  here  many  days  before  a 
messenger  came  to  them  from  the  King  of  Mac- 
edon,  which  country,  it  will  be  seen,  lies  imme- 
diately north  of  Thessaly,  earnestly  dissuading 
them  from  attempting  to  make  a  stand  at  the 
Vale  of  Tempe.  Xerxes  was  coming  on,  he 
said,  with  an  immense  and  overwhelming  force, 


B.C. 480.]  The  Greeks.  175 

Advice  of  the  King  of  Macedon.     The  Greeks  fall  back  to  Thermopylae. 

one  against  which  it  would  be  utterly  impossi- 
ble for  them  to  make  good  their  defense  at  such 
a  point  as  that.  It  would  be  far  better  for  them 
to  fall  back  to  Thermopylae,  which,  being  a  nar- 
rower and  more  rugged  pass,  could  be  more 
easily  defended. 

Besides  this,  the  messenger  said  that  it  was 
possible  for  Xerxes  to  enter  Thessaly  without 
going  through  the  Vale  of  Tempe  at  all.  The 
country  between  Thessaly  and  Macedon  was 
mountainous,  but  it  was  not  impassable,  and 
Xerxes  would  very  probably  come  by  that  way. 
The  only  security,  therefore,  for  the  Greeks, 
would  be  to  fall  back  and  intrench  themselves 
at  Thermopylae.  Nor  was  there  any  time  to 
be  lost.  Xerxes  was  crossing  the  Hellespont, 
and  the  whole  country  was  full  of  excitement 
and  terror. 

The  Greeks  determined  to  act  on  this  advice. 
They  broke  up  their  encampment  at  the  Olym- 
pic Straits,  and,  retreating  to  the  southward, 
established  themselves  at  Thermopylae,  to  await 
there  the  coming  of  the  conqueror.  The  peo- 
ple of  Thessaly  then  surrendered  to  Xerxes  as 
soon  as  they  received  his  summons. 

Xerxes,  from  his  encampment  at  Therma, 
where  we  left  him  at  the  close  of  the  last  chap- 


176  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Xerxes  visits  Thessaly.  Beautiful  rural  scene. 

ter,  saw  the  peaks  of  Olympus  and  Ossa  in  the 
southern  horizon.  They  were  distant  perhaps 
fifty  miles  from  where  he  stood.  He  inquired 
about  them,  and  was  told  that  the  River  Pene- 
us  flowed  between  them  to  the  sea,  and  that 
through  the  same  defile  there  lay  the  main  en- 
trance to  Thessaly.  He  had  previously  de- 
termined to  march  his  army  round  the  other 
way,  as  the  King  of  Macedon  had  suggested, 
but  he  said  that  he  should  like  to  see  this  de- 
file. So  he  ordered  a  swift  Sidonian  galley  to 
be  prepared,  and,  taking  with  him  suitable 
guides,  and  a  fleet  of  other  vessels  in  attend- 
ance on  his  galley,  he  sailed  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Peneus,  and,  entering  that  river,  he  ascend- 
ed it  until  he  came  to  the  defile. 

Seen  from  any  of  the  lower  elevations  which 
projected  from  the  bases  of  the  mountains  at 
the  head  of  this  defile,  Thessaly  lay  spread  out 
before  the  eye  as  one  vast  valley — level,  verd- 
ant, fertile,  and  bounded  by  distant  groups  and 
ranges  of  mountains,  which  formed  a  blue  and 
beautiful  horizon  on  every  side.  Through  the 
midst  of  this  scene  of  rural  loveliness  the  Pe- 
neus, with  its  countless  branches,  gracefully 
meandered,  gathering  the  water  from  every  part 
of  the  valley,  and  then  pouring  it  forth  in  a  deep 


B.C. 480.]  The  Greeks.  177 

Conversation  of  Xerxes  at  the  Olympic  Pass. 

and  calm  current  through  the  gap  in  the  mount- 
ains at  the  observer's  feet.  Xerxes  asked  his 
guides  if  it  would  be  possible  to  find  any  other 
place  where  the  waters  of  the  Peneus  could  be 
conducted  to  the  sea.  They  replied  that  it 
would  not  be,  for  the  valley  was  bounded  on 
every  side  by  ranges  of  mountainous  land. 

"  Then,"  said  Xerxes,  "  the  Thessalians  were 
wise  in  submitting  at  once  to  my  summons ; 
for,  if  they  had  not  done  so,  I  would  have  rais- 
ed a  vast  embankment  across  the  valley  here, 
and  thus  stopped  the  river,  turned  their  country 
into  a  lake,  and  drowned  them  all." 
M 


178  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Advance  of  the  army.  Sailing  of  the  fleet 


Chapter  VIII. 

The  Advance  ofXerxes  into  Greece. 

fij^ROM  Therma — the  last  of  the  great  sta- 
■*■  tions  at  which  the  Persian  army  halted  be- 
fore its  final  descent  upon  Greece — the  army 
commenced  its  march,  and  the  fleet  set  sail, 
nearly  at  the  same  time,  which  was  early  in  the 
summer.  The  army  advanced  slowly,  meeting 
with  the  usual  difficulties  and  delays,  but  with- 
out encountering  any  special  or  extraordinary 
occurrences,  until,  after  having  passed  through 
Macedon  into  Thessaly,  and  through  Thessaly 
to  the  northern  frontier  of  Phocis,  they  began 
to  approach  the  Straits  of  Thermopylae.  What 
took  place  at  Thermopylae  will  be  made  the 
subject  of  the  next  chapter.  The  movements 
of  the  fleet  are  to  be  narrated  in  this. 

In  order  distinctly  to  understand  these  move- 
ments, it  is  necessary  that  the  reader  should 
first  have  a  clear  conception  of  the  geographical 
conformation  of  the  coasts  and  seas  along  which 
the  path  of  the  expedition  lay.  By  referring  to 
the  map  of  Greece,  we  shall  see  that  the  course 
which  the  fleet  would  naturally  take  from  Ther- 


B.C. 480.]  Advance  into  Greece.       179 

Sciathus.  Eubcea.  Straits  of  Artemisium  and  Euripus. 

ma  to  the  southeastward,  along  the  coast,  was 
unobstructed  and  clear  for  about  a  hundred 
miles.  We  then  come  to  a  group  of  four  isl- 
ands, extending  in  a  range  at  right  angles  to  the 
coast.  The  only  one  of  these  islands  with 
which  we  have  particularly  to  do  in  this  history 
is  the  innermost  of  them,  which  was  named 
Sciathus.  Opposite  to  these  islands  the  line  of 
the  coast,  having  passed  around  the  point  of  a 
mountainous  and  rocky  promontory  called  Mag- 
nesia, turns  suddenly  to  the  westward,  and  runs 
in  that  direction  for  about  thirty  miles,  when  it 
again  turns  to  the  southward  and  eastward  as 
before.  In  the  sort  of  corner  thus  cut  off  by 
the  deflection  of  the  coast  lies  the  long  island  of 
Euboea,  which  may  be  considered,  in  fact,  as 
almost  a  continuation  of  the  continent,  as  it  is 
a  part  of  the  same  conformation  of  country,  and 
is  separated  from  the  main  land  only  by  sub- 
merged valleys  on  the  north  and  on  the  east. 
Into  these  sunken  valleys  the  sea  of  course 
flows,  forming  straits  or  channels.  The  one  on 
the  north  was,  in  ancient  times,  called  Artemis- 
ium, and  the  one  on  the  west,  at  its  narrowest 
point,  Euripus.  All  these  islands  and  coasts 
were  high  and  picturesque.  They  were  also, 
in  the  days  of  Xerxes,  densely  populated,  and 


180  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Attica.  Saronic  Gulf.  Island  of  Salamis. 

adorned  profusely  with  temples,  citadels,  and 
towns. 

On  passing  the  southernmost  extremity  of 
the  island  of  Eubcea,  and  turning  to  the  west- 
ward, we  come  to  a  promontory  of  the  main 
land,  which  constituted  Attica,  and  in  the  mid- 
dle of  which  the  city  of  Athens  was  situated. 
Beyond  this  is  a  capacious  gulf,  called  the  Sa- 
ronian  Gulf.  It  lies  between  Attica  and  the 
Peloponnesus.  In  the  middle  of  the  Saronian 
Gulf  lies  the  island  of  iEgina,  and  in  the  north- 
ern part  of  it  the  island  of  Salamis.  The  prog- 
ress of  the  Persian  fleet  was  from  Therma 
down  the  coast  to  Sciathus,  thence  along  the 
shores  of  Euboea  to  its  southern  point,  and  so 
round  into  the  Saronian  Gulf  to  the  island  of 
Salamis.  The  distance  of  this  voyage  was  per- 
haps two  hundred  and  fifty  miles.  In  accom- 
plishing it  the  fleet  encountered  many  dangers, 
and  met  with  a  variety  of  incidents  and  events, 
which  we  shall  now  proceed  to  describe. 

The  country,  of  course,  was  every  where  in 
a  state  of  the  greatest  excitement  and  terror. 
The  immense  army  was  slowly  coming  down 
by  land,  and  the  fleet,  scarcely  less  terrible, 
since  its  descents  upon  the  coast  would  be  so 
fearfully  sudden  and  overwhelming  when  they 


B.C. 480.]  Advance  into  Greece.       181 

Excitement  of  the  country.  Signals.  Sentinels. 

were  made,  was  advancing  by  sea.  The  in- 
habitants of  the  country  were  consequently  in 
a  state  of  extreme  agitation.  The  sick  and  the 
infirm,  who  were,  of  course,  utterly  helpless  in 
such  a  danger,  exhibited  every  where  the  spec- 
tacle of  silent  dismay.  Mothers,  wives,  maid- 
ens, and  children,  on  the  other  hand,  were  wild 
with  excitement  and  terror.  The  men,  too  full 
of  passion  to  fear,  or  too  full  of  pride  to  allow 
their  fears  to  be  seen,  were  gathering  in  arms, 
or  hurrying  to  and  fro  with,  intelligence,  or  mak- 
ing hasty  arrangements  to  remove  their  wives 
and  children  from  the  scenes  of  cruel  suffering 
which  were  to  ensue.  They  stationed  watch- 
men on  the  hills  to  give  warning  of  the  approach 
of  the  enemy.  They  agreed  upon  signals,  and 
raised  piles  of  wood  for  beacon  fires  on  every 
commanding  elevation  along  the  coast ;  while 
all  the  roads  leading  from  the  threatened  prov- 
inces to  other  regions  more  remote  from  the 
danger  were  covered  with  flying  parties,  en- 
deavoring to  make  their  escape,  and  carrying, 
wearily  and  in  sorrow,  whatever  they  valued 
most  and  were  most  anxious  to  save.  Mothers 
bore  their  children,  men  their  gold  and  silver, 
and  sisters  aided  their  sick  or  feeble  brothers  to 
sustain  the  toil  and  terror  of  the  flight. 


182  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Movement  of  the  fleet.  The  ten  reconnoitering  galleys. 

All  this  time  Xerxes  was  sitting  in  his  war 
chariot,  in  the  midst  of  his  advancing  army, 
full  of  exultation,  happiness,  and  pride  at  the 
thoughts  of  the  vast  harvest  of  glory  which  all 
this  panic  and  suffering  were  bringing  him  in. 

The  fleet,  at  length — which  was  under  the 
command  of  Xerxes's  brothers  and  cousins, 
whom  he  had  appointed  the  admirals  of  it — be- 
gan to  move  down  the  coast  from  Therma,  with 
the  intention  of  first  sweeping  the  seas  clear  of 
any  naval  force  which  the  Greeks  might  have 
sent  forward  there  to  act  against  them,  and  then 
of  landing  upon  some  point  on  the  coast,  wher- 
ever they  could  do  so  most  advantageously  for 
co-operation  with  the  army  on  the  land.  The 
advance  of  the  ships  was  necessarily  slow.  So 
immense  a  flotilla  could  not  have  been  other- 
wise kept  together.  The  admirals,  however, 
selected  ten  of  the  swiftest  of  the  galleys,  and, 
after  manning  and  arming  them  in  the  most 
perfect  manner,  sent  them  forward  to  reconnoi- 
ter.  The  ten  galleys  were  ordered  to  advance 
rapidly,  but  with  the  greatest  circumspection. 
They  were  not  to  incur  any  needless  danger, 
but,  if  they  met  with  any  detached  ships  of  the 
enemy,  they  were  to  capture  them,  if  possible. 
They  were,  moreover,  to  be  constantly  on  the 


B.C. 480.]  Advance  into  Greece.       183 

Guard-ships  captured.  Barbarous  ceremony. 

alert,  to  observe  every  thing,  and  to  send  back 
to  the  fleet  all  important  intelligence  which 
they  could  obtain. 

The  ten  galleys  went  on  without  observing 
any  thing  remarkable  until  they  reached  the 
island  of  Sciathus.  Here  they  came  in  sight 
of  three  Greek  ships,  a  sort  of  advanced  guard, 
which  had  been  stationed  there  to  watch  the 
movements  of  the  enemy. 

The  Greek  galleys  immediately  hoisted  their 
anchors  and  fled ;  the  Persian  galleys  manned 
their  oars,  and  pressed  on  after  them. 

They  overtook  one  of  the  guard-ships  very 
soon,  and,  after  a  short  conflict,  they  -succeeded 
in  capturing  it.  The  Persians  made  prisoners 
of  the  officers  and  crew,  and  then,  selecting 
from  among  them  the  fairest  and  most  noble- 
looking  man,  just  as  they  would  have  selected 
a  bullock  from  a  herd,  they  sacrificed  him  to 
one  of  their  deities  on  the  prow  of  the  captured 
ship.  This  was  a  religious  ceremony,  intend- 
ed to  signalize  and  sanctify  their  victory. 

The  second  vessel  they  also  overtook  "and  cap- 
tured. The  crew  of  this  ship  were  easily  sub- 
dued, as  the  overwhelming  superiority  of  their 
enemies  appeared  to  convince  them  that  all  re- 
sistance was  hopeless,  and  to  plunge  them  into 


184  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

A  heroic  Greek.  One  crew  escape. 

despair.  There  was  one  man,  however,  who,  it 
seems,  could  not  be  conquered.  He  fought  like 
a  tiger  to  the  last,  and  only  ceased  to  deal  his 
furious  thrusts  and  blows  at  the  enemies  that 
surrounded  him  when,  after  being  entirely  cov- 
ered with  wounds,  he  fell  faint  and  nearly  life- 
less upon  the  bloody  deck.  When  the  conflict 
with  him  was  thus  ended,  the  murderous  hos- 
tility of  his  enemies  seemed  suddenly  to  be 
changed  into  pity  for  his  sufferings  and  admi- 
ration of  his  valor.  They  gathered  around 
him,  bathed  and  bound  up  his  wounds,  gave 
him  cordials,  and  at  length  restored  him  to  life. 
Finally,  when  the  detachment  returned  to  the 
fleet,  some  days  afterward,  they  carried  this 
man  with  them,  and  presented  him  to  the  com- 
manders as  a  hero  worthy  of  the  highest  admi- 
ration and  honor.  The  rest  of  the  crew  were 
made  slaves. 

The  third  of  the  Greek  guard-ships  contrived 
to  escape,  or,  rather,  the  crew  escaped,  while 
the  vessel  itself  was  taken.  This  ship,  in  its 
flight,  had  gone  toward  the  north,  and  the  crew 
at  last  succeeded  in  running  it  on  shore  on  the 
coast  of  Thessaly,  so  as  to  escape,  themselves, 
by  abandoning  the  vessel  to  the  enemy.  The 
officers  and  crew,  thus  escaping  to  the  shore, 


B.C. 480.]  Advance  into  Greece.       185 

The  alarm  spread.  Retuipn  of  the  Persian  galleys. 

went  through  Thessaly  into  Greece,  spreading 
the  tidings  every  where  that  the  Persians  were 
at  hand.  This  intelligence  was  communicated, 
also,  along  the  coast,  by  beacon  fires  which  the 
people  of  Sciathus  built  upon  the  heights  of  the 
island  as  a  signal,  to  give  the  alarm  to  the  coun- 
try southward  of  them,  according  to  the  pre- 
concerted plan.  The  alarm  was  communicat- 
ed by  other  fires  built  on  other  heights,  and  sen- 
tinels were  stationed  on  every  commanding  em- 
inence on  the  highlands  of  Eubcea  toward  the 
south,  to  watch  for  the  first  appearance  of  the 
enemy. 

The  Persian  galleys  that  had  been  sent  for- 
ward having  taken  the  three  Greek  guard-ships, 
and  finding  the  sea  before  them  now  clear  of 
all  appearances  of  an  enemy,  concluded  to  re- 
turn to  the  fleet  with  their  prizes  and  their  re- 
port. They  had  been  directed,  when  they  were 
dispatched  from  the  fleet,  to  lay  up  a  monu- 
ment of  stones  at  the  furthest  point  which  they 
should  reach  in  their  cruise :  a  measure  often 
resorted  to  in  similar  cases,  by  way  of  furnish- 
ing proof  that  a  party  thus  sent  forward  have 
really  advanced  as  far  as  they  pretend  on  their 
return.  The  Persian  detachment  had  actually 
brought  the  stones  for  the  erection  of  their  land- 


186  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Tiiu  monument  of  stones.  Progress  of  the  fleet. 

mark  with  them  in  one  of  their  galleys.  The 
galley  containing  the  stones,  and  two  others  to 
aid  it,  pushed  on  beyond  Sciathus  to  a  small 
rocky  islet  standing  in  a  conspicuous  position 
in  the  sea,  and  there  they  built  their  monument 
or  cairn.  The  detachment  then  returned  to 
meet  the  fleet.  The  time  occupied  by  this 
whole  expedition  was  eleven  days. 

The  fleet  was,  in  the  mean  time,  coming 
down  along  the  coast  of  Magnesia.  The  whole 
company  of  ships  had  advanced  safely  and  pros- 
perously thus  far,  but  now  a  great  calamity 
was  about  to  befall  them — the  first  of  the  series 
of  disasters  by  which  the  expedition  was  ulti- 
mately ruined.     It  was  a  storm  at  sea. 

The  fleet  had  drawn  up  for  the  night  in  a 
long  and  shallow  bay  on  the  coast.  There  was 
a  rocky  promontory  at  one  end  of  this  bay  and 
a  cape  on  the  other,  with  a  long  beach  between 
them.  It  was  a  very  good  place  of  refuge  and 
rest  for  the  night  in  calm  weather,  but  such  a 
bay  afforded  very  little  shelter  against  a  tem- 
pestuous wind,  or  even  against  the  surf  and 
swell  of  the  sea,  which  were  sometimes  produced 
by  a  distant  storm.  When  the  fleet  entered 
this  bay  in  the  evening,  the  sea  was  calm  and 
the  sky  serene.     The  commanders  expected  to 


B.C. 480.]  Advance  into  Greece.       181 


The  fleet  anchors  in  a  bay.  A  coming  storm 


remain  there  for  the  night,  and  to  proceed  on 
the  voyage  on  the  following  day. 

The  bay  was  not  sufficiently  extensive  to  al- 
low of  the  drawing  up  of  so  large  a  fleet  in  a 
single  line  along  the  shore.  The  ships  were  ac- 
cordingly arranged  in  several  lines,  eight  in  all. 
The  innermost  of  these  lines  was  close  to  the 
shore ;  the  others  were  at  different  distances 
from  it,  and  every  separate  ship  was  held  to  the 
place  assigned  it  by  its  anchors.  In  this  po- 
sition the  fleet  passed  the  night  in  safety,  but 
before  morning  there  were  indications  of  a  storm. 
The  sky  looked  wild  and  lurid.  A  heavy  swell 
came  rolling  in  from  the  offing.  The  wind  be- 
gan to  rise,  and  to  blow  in  fitful  gusts.  Its  di- 
rection was  from  the  eastward,  so  that  its  ten- 
dency was  to  drive  the  fleet  upon  the  shore. 
The  seamen  were  anxious  and  afraid,  and  the 
commanders  of  the  several  ships  began  to  de- 
vise, each  for  his  own  vessel,  the  best  means  of 
safety.  Some,  whose  vessels  were  small,  drew 
them  up  upon  the  sand,  above  the  reach  of 
the  swell.  Others  strengthened  the  anchoring 
tackle,  or  added  new  anchors  to  those  already 
down.  Others  raised  their  anchors  altogether, 
and  attempted  to  row  their  galleys  away,  up  or 
down  the  coast,  in  hope  of  finding  some  better 


188  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

The  storm  rages.  Destruction  of  many  vessels. 

place  of  shelter.  Thus  all  was  excitement  and 
confusion  in  the  fleet,  through  the  eager  efforts 
made  by  every  separate  crew  to  escape  the  im- 
pending danger. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  storm  came  on  apace. 
The  rising  and  roughening  sea  made  the  oars 
useless,  and  the  wind  howled  frightfully  through 
the  cordage  and  the  rigging.  The  galleys  soon 
began  to  be  forced  away  from  their  moorings. 
Some  were  driven  upon  the  beach  and  dashed 
to  pieces  by  the  waves.  Some  were  wrecked 
on  the  rocks  at  one  or  the  other  of  the  project- 
ing points  which  bounded  the  bay  on  either  hand. 
Some  foundered  at  their  place  of  anchorage. 
Vast  numbers  of  men  were  drowned.  Those 
who  escaped  to  the  shore  were  in  hourly  dread 
of  an  attack  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  coun- 
try. To  save  themselves,  if  possible,  from  this 
danger,  they  dragged  up  the  fragments  of  the 
wrecked  vessels  upon  the  beach,  and  built  a 
fort  with  them  on  the  shore.  Here  they  in- 
trenched themselves,  and  then  prepared  to  de- 
fend their  lives,  armed  with  the  weapons  which, 
like  the  materials  for  their  fort,  were  washed 
up,  from  time  to  time,  by  the  sea. 

The  storm  continued  for  three  days.  It  de- 
stroyed about  three  hundred  galleys,  besides  an 


B.C. 480.]  Advance  into  Greece.       189 

Plunder  of  the  wrecks.  Scyllias,  the  famous  diver. 

immense  number  of  provision  transports  and 
other  smaller  vessels.  Great  numbers  of  sea- 
men, also,  were  drowned.  The  inhabitants  of 
the  country  along  the  coast  enriched  themselves 
with  the  plunder  which  they  obtained  from  the 
wrecks,  and  from  the  treasures,  and  the  gold 
and  silver  vessels,  which  continued  for  some 
time  to  be  driven  up  upon  the  beach  by  the 
waves.  The  Persians  themselves  recovered,  it 
was  said,  a  great  deal  of  valuable  treasure,  by 
employing  a  certain  Greek  diver,  whom  they 
had  in  their  fleet,  to  dive  for  it  after  the  storm 
was  over.  This  diver,  whose  name  was  Scyl- 
lias, was  famed  far  and  wide  for  his  power  of 
remaining  under  water.  As  an  instance  of 
what  they  believed  him  capable  of  performing, 
they  said  that  when,  at  a  certain  period  subse- 
quent to  these  transactions,  he  determined  to 
desert  to  the  Greeks,  he  accomplished  his  de- 
sign by  diving  into  the  sea  from  the  deck  of  a 
Persian  galley,  and  coming  up  again  in  the 
midst  of  the  Greek  fleet,  ten  miles  distant ! 

After  three  days  the  storm  subsided.  The 
Persians  then  repaired  the  damages  which  had 
been  sustained)  so  far  as  it  was  now  possible  to 
repair  them,  collected  what  remained  of  the 
fleet,  took  the  shipwrecked  mariners  from  their 


190  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Dissensions  in  the  Greek  fleet.  Jealousy  of  the  Athenians. 

rude  fortification  on  the  beach,  and  set  sail 
again  on  their  voyage  to  the  southward. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Greek  fleet  had  as- 
sembled in  the  arm  of  the  sea  lying  north  of 
Eubcea,  and  between  Euboea  and  the  main 
land.  It  was  an  allied  fleet,  made  up  of  con- 
tributions from  various  states  that  had  finally 
agreed  to  come  into  the  confederacy.  As  is 
usually  the  case,  however,  with  allied  or  confed- 
erate forces,  they  were  not  well  agreed  among 
themselves.  The  Athenians  had  furnished  far 
the  greater  number  of  ships,  and  they  consid- 
ered themselves,  therefore,  entitled  to  the  com- 
mand ;  but  the  other  allies  were  envious  and 
jealous  of  them  on  account  of  that  very  superi- 
ority of  wealth  and  power  which  enabled  them 
to  supply  a  greater  portion  of  the  naval  force 
than  the  rest.  They  were  willing  that  one  of 
the  Spartans  should  command,  but  they  "would 
not  consent  to  put  themselves  under  an  Athe- 
nian. If  an  Athenian  leader  were  chosen,  they 
would  disperse,  they  said,  and  the  various  por- 
tions of  the  fleet  return  to  their  respective 
homes. 

The  Athenians,  though  burning  with  resent- 
ment at  this  unjust  declaration,  were  compelled 
to  submit  to  the  necessity  of  the  case.     They 


B.C. 480.]  Advance  into  Greece.       191 

Situation  of  the  Athenians.  Eurybiades  appointed  commander. 

could  not  take  the  confederates  at  their  word, 
and  allow  the  fleet  to  be  broken  up,  for  the  de- 
fense of  Athens  was  the  great  object  for  which 
it  was  assembled.  The  other  states  might 
make  their  peace  with  the  conqueror  by  sub- 
mission, but  the  Athenians  could  not  do  so.  In 
respect  to  the  rest  of  Greece,  Xerxes  wished 
only  for  dominion.  In  respect  to  Athens,  he 
wished  for  vengeance.  The  Athenians  had 
burned  the  Persian  city  of  Sardis,  and  he  had 
determined  to  give  himself  no  rest  until  he  had 
burned  Athens  in  return. 

It  was  well  understood,  therefore,  that  the 
assembling  of  the  fleet,  and  giving  battle  to  the 
Persians  where  they  now  were,  was  a  plan 
adopted  mainly  for  the  defense  and  benefit  of 
the  Athenians.  The  Athenians,  accordingly, 
waived  their  claim  to  command,  secretly  resolv- 
ing that,  when  the  war  was  over,  they  would 
have  their  revenge  for  the  insult  and  injury. 

A  Spartan  was  accordingly  appointed  com- 
mander of  the  fleet.    His  name  was  Eurybiades. 

Things  were  in  this  state  when  the  two  fleets 
came  in  sight  of  each  other  in  the  strait  be- 
tween the  northern  end  of  Euboea  and  the  main 
land.  Fifteen  of  the  Persian  galleys,  advanc- 
ing incautiously  some  miles  in  front  of  the  rest, 


192  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Debates  in  the  Greek  council.  Dismay  of  the  Euboeans. 

came  suddenly  upon  the  Greek  fleet,  and  were 
all  captured.  The  crews  were  made  prisoners 
and  sent  into  Greece.  The  remainder  of  the 
fleet  entered  the  strait,  and  anchored  at  the  east- 
ern extremity  of  it,  sheltered  by  the  promonto- 
ry of  Magnesia,  which  now  lay  to  the  north  of 
them. 

The  Greeks  were  amazed  at  the  immense 
magnitude  of  the  Persian  fleet,  and  the  first 
opinion;  of  the  commanders  was,  that  it  was 
wholly  useless  for  them  to  attempt  to  engage 
them.  A  council  was  convened,  and,  after  a 
long  and  anxious  debate,  they  decided  that  it 
was  best  to  retire  to  the  southward.  The  in- 
habitants of  Euboea,  who  had  been  already  in 
a  state  of  great  excitement  and  terror  at  the 
near  approach  of  so  formidable  an  enemy,  were 
thrown,  by  this  decision  of  the  allies,  into  a  state 
of  absolute  dismay.  It  was  abandoning  them 
to  irremediable  and  hopeless  destruction." 

The  government  of  the  island  immediately 
raised  a  very  large  sum  of  money,  and  went 
with  it  to  Themistocles,  one  of  the  most  influ- 
ential of  the  Athenian  leaders,  and  offered  it  to 
him  if  he  would  contrive  any  way  to  persuade 
the  commanders  of  the  fleet  to  remain  and  give 
the  Persians  battle  where  they  were.     Themis- 


B.C. 480.]  Advance  into  Greece.       193 

The  Greek  leaders  bribed.  Precautions  of  the  Persians. 

tocles  took  the  money,  and  agreed  to  the  condi- 
tion. He  went  with  a  small  part  of  it — though 
this  part  was  a  very  considerable  sum — to  Eu- 
rybiades,  the  commander-in-chief,  and  offered  it 
to  him  if  he  would  retain  the  fleet  in  its  pres- 
ent position.  There  were  some  other  similar 
offerings  made  to  other  influential  men,  judi- 
ciously selected.  All  this  was  done  in  a  very 
private  manner,  and,  of  course,  Themistocles 
took  care  to  reserve  to  himself  the  lion's  share 
of  the  Eubcean  contribution.  The  effect  of  this 
money  in  altering  the  opinions  of  the  naval  offi- 
cers was  marvelous.  A  new  council  was  call- 
ed, the  former  decision  was  annulled,  and  the 
Greeks  determined  to  give  their  enemies  battle 
where  they  were. 

The  Persians  had  not  been  unmindful  of  the 
danger  that  the  Greeks  might  retreat  by  retir- 
ing through  the  Euripus,  and  so  escape  them. 
In  order  to  prevent  this,  they  secretly  sent  off  a 
fleet  of  two  hundred  of  their  strongest  and  fleet- 
est galleys,  with  orders  to  sail  round  Eubcea 
and  enter  the  Euripus  from  the  south,  so  as  to 
cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  Greeks  in  that  quar- 
ter. They  thought  that  by  this  plan  the  Greek 
fleet  would  be  surrounded,  and  could  have  no 
possible  mode  of  escape.  They  remained,  there- 
N 


194  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Designs  of  the  Persians  discovered.       The  Greeks  decide  to  give  battle. 

fore,  with  the  principal  fleet,  at  the  outer  en- 
trance of  the  northern  strait  for  some  days,  be- 
fore attacking  the  Greeks,  in  order  to  give  time 
for  the  detachment  to  pass  round  the  island. 

The  Persians  sent  off  the  two  hundred  gal- 
leys with  great  secrecy,  not  desiring  that  the 
Greeks  should  discover  their  design  of  thus  in- 
tercepting their  retreat.  They  did  discover  it, 
however,  for  this  was  the  occasion  on  which  the 
great  diver,  Scyllias,  made  his  escape  from  one 
fleet  to  the  other  by  swimming  under  water  ten 
miles,  and  he  brought  the  Greeks  the  tidings.* 

The  Greeks  dispatched  a  small  squadron  of 
ships  with  orders  to  proceed  southward  into  the 
Euripus,  to  meet  this  detachment  which  the 
Persians  sent  round ;  and,  in  the  mean  time, 
they  determined  themselves  to  attack  the  main 
Persian  fleet  without  any  delay.  Notwithstand- 
ing their  absurd  dissensions  and  jealousies,  and 
the  extent  to  which  the  leaders  were  influenced 
by  intrigues  and  bribes,  the  Greeks  always 
evinced  an  undaunted  and  indomitable  spirit 
when  the  day  of  battle  came.  It  was,  more- 
over, in  this  case,  exceedingly  important  to  de- 

*  There  is  reason  to  suppose  that  Scyllias  made  his  escape 
by  night  in  a  boat,  managing  the  circumstances,  however,  in 
such  a  way  as  to  cause  the  story  to  be  circulated  that  he  swam. 


B.C. 480.]  Advance  into  Greece.       195 

Euripus  and  Artemisium.  Advance  of  the  Greeks. 

fend  the  position  which  they  had  taken.  By 
referring  to  the  map  once  more,  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  Euripus  was  the  great  highway  to 
Athens  by  sea,  as  the  pass  of  Thermopylae  was 
by  land.  Thermopylae  was  west  of  Artemisi- 
um, where  the  fleet  was  now  stationed,  and  not 
many  miles  from  it.  The  Greek  army  had 
made  its  great  stand  at  Thermopylae,  and  Xerx- 
es was  fast  coming  down  the  country  with  all 
his  forces  to  endeavor  to  force  a  passage  there. 
The  Persian  fleet,  in  entering  Artemisium,  was 
making  the  same  attempt  by  sea  in  respect  to 
the  narrow  passage  of  Euripus ;  and  for  either 
of  the  two  forces,  the  fleet  or  the  army,  to  fail 
of  making  good  the  defense  of  its  position,  with- 
out a  desperate  effort  to  do  so,  would  justly  be 
considered  a  base  betrayal  and  abandonment  of 
the  other. 

The  Greeks  therefore  advanced,  one  morn- 
ing, to  the  attack  of  the  Persians,  to  the  utter 
astonishment  of  the  latter,  who  believed  that 
their  enemies  were  insane  when  they  thus  saw 
them  coming  into  the  jaws,  as  they  thought,  of 
certain  destruction.  Before  night,  however, 
they  were  to  change  their  opinions  in  respect  to 
the  insanity  of  their  foes.  The  Greeks  pushed 
boldly  on  into  the  midst  of  the  Persian  fleet, 


196  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

The  battle.  A  stormy  night 

where  they  were  soon  surrounded.  They  then 
formed  themselves  into  a  circle,  with  the  prows 
of  the  vessels  outward,  and  the  sterns  toward  the 
center  within,  and  fought  in  this  manner  with 
the  utmost  desperation  all  the  day.  With  the 
night  a  storm  came  on,  or,  rather,  a  series  of 
thunder-showers  and  gusts  of  wind,  so  severe 
that  both  fleets  were  glad  to  retire  from  the 
scene  of  contest.  The  Persians  went  back  to- 
ward the  east,  the  Greeks  to  the  westward,  to- 
ward Thermopylae — each  party  busy  in  repair- 
ing their  wrecks,  taking  care  of  their  wounded, 
and  saving  their  vessels  from  the  tempest.  It 
was  a  dreadful  night.  The  Persians,  particu- 
larly, spent  it  in  the  midst  of  scenes  of  horror. 
The  wind  and  the  current,  it  seems,  set  out- 
ward, toward  the  sea,  and  carried  the  masses 
and  fragments  of  the  wrecked  vessels,  and  the 
swollen  and  ghastly  bodies  of  the  dead,  in  among 
the  Persian  fleet,  and  so  choked  up  the  surface 
of  the  water  that  the  oars  became  entangled 
and  useless.  The  whole  mass  of  seamen  in  the 
Persian  fleet,  during  this  terrible  night,  were 
panic-stricken  and  filled  with  horror.  The  wind, 
the  perpetual  thunder,  the  concussions  of  the 
vessels  with  the  wrecks  and  with  one  another, 
and  the  heavy  shocks  of  the  seas,  kept  them  in 


B.C. 480.]  Advance  into  Greece.       197 

Scene  of  terror.  A  calm  after  the  storm. 

continual  alarm ;  and  the  black  and  inscrutable 
darkness  was  rendered  the  more  dreadful,  while 
it  prevailed,  by  the  hideous  spectacle  which,  at 
every  flash  of  lightning,  glared  brilliantly  upon 
every  eye  from  the  wide  surface  of  the  sea. 
The  shouts  and  cries  of  officers  vociferating  or- 
ders, of  wounded  men  writhing  in  agony,  of 
watchmen  and  sentinels  in  fear  of  collisions, 
mingled  with  the  howling  wind  and  roaring 
seas,  created  a  scene  of  indescribable  terror  and 
confusion. 

The  violence  of  the  sudden  gale  was  still 
greater  further  out  at  sea,  and  the  detachment 
of  ships  which  had  been  sent  around  Eubcea 
was  wholly  dispersed  and  destroyed  by  it. 

The  storm  was,  however,  after  all,  only  a  se- 
ries of  summer  evening  showers,  such  as  to  the 
inhabitants  of  peaceful  dwellings  on  the  land 
have  no  terror,  but  only  come  to  clear  the  sul- 
try atmosphere  in  the  night,  and  in  the  morn- 
ing are  gone.  When  the  sun  rose,  according- 
ly, upon  the  Greeks  and  Persians  on  the  morn- 
ing after  their  conflict,  the  air  was  calm,  the  sky 
serene,  and  the  sea  as  blue  and  pure  as  ever. 
The  bodies  and  the  wrecks  had  been  floated 
away  into  the  offing.  The  courage  or  the  fe- 
rocity, whichever  we  choose  to  call  it,  of  the 


198 

Xerxes. 

[B.C.  480. 

Terror  of  the  Euboeans. 

Their  plans. 

combatants,  returned,  and  they  renewed  the 
conflict.  It  continued,  with  varying  success, 
for  two  more  days. 

During  all  this  time  the  inhabitants  of  the 
island  of  Euboea  were  in  the  greatest  distress 
and  terror.  They  watched  these  dreadful  con- 
flicts from  the  heights,  uncertain  how  the  strug- 
gle would  end,  but  fearing  lest  their  defend- 
ers should  be  beaten,  in  which  case  the  whole 
force  of  the  Persian  fleet  would  be  landed  on 
their  island,  to  sweep  it  with  pillage  and  destruc- 
tion. They  soon  began  to  anticipate  the  worst, 
and,  in  preparation  for  it,  they  removed  their 
goods — all  that  could  be  removed — and  drove 
their  cattle  down  to  the  southern  part  of  the 
island,  so  as  to  be  ready  to  escape  to  the  main 
land.  The  Greek  commanders,  finding  that  the 
fleet  would  probably  be  compelled  to  retreat  in 
the  end,  sent  to  them  here,  recommending  that 
they  should  kill  their  cattle  and  eat  them,  roast- 
ing the  flesh  at  fires  which  they  should  kindle 
on  the  plain.  The  cattle  could  not  be  trans- 
ported, they  said,  across  the  channel,  and  it  was 
better  that  the  flying  population  should  be  fed, 
than  that  the  food  should  fall  into  Persian 
hands.  If  they  would  dispose  of  their  cattle  in 
this  manner,  Eurybiades  would  endeavor,  he 


B.C. 480.]  Advance  into  Greece.       199 

The  Greeks  retire.  Inscription  on  the  rocks. 

said,  to  transport  the  people  themselves  and 
their  valuable  goods  across  into  Attica. 

How  many  thousand  peaceful  and  happy- 
homes  were  broken  up  and  destroyed  forever 
by  this  ruthless  invasion  ! 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Persians,  irritated  by 
the  obstinate  resistance  of  the  Greeks,  were,  on 
the  fourth  day,  preparing  for  some  more  vigor- 
ous measures,  when  they  saw  a  small  boat  com- 
ing toward  the  fleet  from  down  the  channel. 
It  proved  to  contain  a  countryman,  who  came 
to  tell  them  that  the  Greeks  had  gone  away. 
The  whole  fleet,  he  said,  had  sailed  off  to  the 
southward,  and  abandoned  those  seas  altogeth- 
er. The  Persians  did  not,  at  first,  believe  this 
intelligence.  They  suspected  some  ambuscade 
or  stratagem.  They  advanced  slowly  and  cau- 
tiously down  the  channel.  When  they  had 
gone  half  down  to  Thermopylse,  they  stopped  at 
a  place  called  Histisea,  where,  upon  the  rocks 
on  the  shore,  they  found  an  inscription  address- 
ed to  the  Ionians — who,  it  will  be  recollected, 
had  been  brought  by  Xerxes  as  auxiliaries,  con- 
trary to  the  advice  of  Artabanus — entreating 
them  not  to  fight  against  their  countrymen. 
This  inscription  was  written  in  large  and  con- 
spicuous characters  on  the  face  of  the  cliff,  so 


200  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

The  commanders  of  the  Persian  fleet  summoned  to  Thermopylae. 

that  it  could  be  read  by  the  Ionian  seamen  as 
they  passed  in  their  galleys. 

The  fleet  anchored  at  Histiaea,  the  command- 
ers being  somewhat  uncertain  in  respect  to 
what  it  was  best  to  do.  Their  suspense  was 
very  soon  relieved  by  a  messenger  from  Xerxes, 
who  came  in  a  galley  up  the  channel  from 
Thermopylae,  with  the  news  that  Xerxes  had 
arrived  at  Thermopylae,  had  fought  a  great  bat- 
tle there,  defeated  the  Greeks,  and  obtained  pos- 
session of  the  pass,  and  that  any  of  the  officers 
of  the  fleet  who  chose  to  do  so  might  come  and 
view  the  battle  ground.  This  intelligence  and 
invitation  produced,  throughout  the  fleet,  a 
scene  of  the  wildest  excitement,  enthusiasm, 
and  joy.  All  the  boats  and  smaller  vessels  of 
the  fleet  were  put  into  requisition  to  carry  the 
officers  down.  When  they  arrived  at  Thermop- 
ylae the  tidings  all  proved  true.  Xerxes  was  in 
possession  of  the  pass,  and  the  Greek  fleet  was 
gone. 


B.C. 480.]  Battle  of  Thermopylae.    201 

The  pass  of  Thermopylae.  Its  situation. 


Chapter  IX. 

The  Battle  of  Thermopylae. 

Fin  HE  pass  of  Thermopylse  was  not  a  ravine 
-*-  among  mountains,  but  a  narrow  space  be- 
tween mountains  and  the  sea.  The  mountains 
landward  were  steep  and  inaccessible ;  the  sea 
was  shoal.  The  passage  between  them  was  nar- 
row for  many  miles  along  the  shore,  being  nar- 
rowest at  the  ingress  and  egress.  In  the  middle 
the  space  was  broader.  The  place  was  celebra- 
ted for  certain  warm  springs  which  here  issued 
from  the  rocks,  and  which  had  been  used  in  for- 
mer times  for  baths. 

The  position  had  been  considered,  long  before 
Xerxes's  day,  a  very  important  one  in  a  military 
point  of  view,  as  it  was  upon  the  frontier  between 
two  Greek  states  that  were  frequently  at  war. 
One  of  these  states,  of  course,  was  Thessaly. 
The  other  was  Phocis,  which  lay  south  of  Thes- 
saly. The  general  boundary  between  these 
two  states  was  mountainous,  and  impassable 
for  troops,  so  that  each  could  invade  the  terri- 
tories of  the  other  only  by  passing  round  be- 


202  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Ancient  intrenchments.  View  at  Thermopylae. 

tween  the  mountains  and  the  shore  at  Ther- 
mopylae. 

The  Phocaeans,  in  order  to  keep  the  Thessa- 
lians  out,  had,  in  former  times,  built  a  wall 
across  the  way,  and  put  up  gates  there,  which 
they  strongly  fortified.  In  order  still  further  to 
increase  the  difficulty  of  forcing  a  passage,  they 
conducted  the  water  of  the  warm  springs  over 
the  ground  without  the  wall,  in  such  a  way  as 
to  make  the  surface  continually  wet  and  miry. 
The  old  wall  had  now  fallen  to  ruins,  but  the 
miry  ground  remained.  The  place  was  solitary 
and  desolate,  and  overgrown  with  a  confused 
and  wild  vegetation.  On  one  side  the  view  ex- 
tended far  and  wide  over  the  sea,  with  the  high- 
lands of  Euboea  in  the  distance,  and  on  the  oth- 
er dark  and  inaccessible  mountains  rose,  cover- 
ed with  forests,  indented  with  mysterious  and 
unexplored  ravines,  and  frowning  in  a  wild  and 
gloomy  majesty  over  the  narrow  pass  way  which 
crept  along  the  shore  below. 

The  Greeks,  when  they  retired  from  Thessa- 
ly,  fell  back  upon  Thermopylae,  and  established 
themselves  there.  They  had  a  force  variously 
estimated,  from  three  to  four  thousand  men. 
These  were  from  the  different  states  of  Greece, 
some  within  and  some  without  the  Peloponne- 


B.C. 480.]  Battle  of  Thermopylae.    203 

The  allied  forces.  Leonidas  the  Spartan. 

sus — a  few  hundred  men  only  being  furnished, 
in  general,  from  each  state  or  kingdom.  Each 
of  these  bodies  of  troops  had  its  own  officers, 
though  there  was  one  general- in-chief,  who  com- 
manded the  whole.  This  was  Leonidas  the 
Spartan.  He  had  brought  with  him  three  hund- 
red Spartans,  as  the  quota  furnished  by  that  city. 
These  men  he  had  specially  selected  himself,  one 
by  one,  from  among  the  troops  of  the  city,  as 
men  on  whom  he  could  rely. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  map  that  Thermopy- 
lae is  at  some  distance  from  the  Isthmus  of  Cor- 
inth, and  that  of  the  states  which  would  be  pro- 
tected by  making  a  stand  at  the  pass,  some  were 
without  the  isthmus  and  some  within.  These 
states,  in  sending  each  a  few  hundred  men  only 
to  Thermopylae,  did  not  consider  that  they  were 
making  their  full  contribution  to  the  army,  but 
only  sending  forward  for  the  emergency  those 
that  could  be  dispatched  at  once  ;  and  they  were 
all  making  arrangements  to  supply  more  troops 
as  soon  as  they  could  be  raised  and  equipped  for 
the  service.  In  the  mean  time,  however,  Xerx- 
es and  his  immense  hordes  came  on  faster  than 
they  had  expected,  and  the  news  at  length  came 
to  Leonidas,  in  the  pass,  that  the  Persians,  with 
one  or  two  millions  of  men,  were  at  hand,  while 


204  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Debate  in  regard  to  defending  Thermopylas.  The  decision. 

he  had  only  three  or  four  thousand  at  Thermop- 
ylae to  oppose  them.  The  question  arose,  What 
was  to  be  done  ? 

Those  of  the  Greeks  who  came  from  the  Pel- 
oponnesus were  in  favor  of  abandoning  Ther- 
mopylae, and  falling  back  to  the  isthmus.  The 
isthmus,  they  maintained,  was  as  strong  and 
as  favorable  a  position  as  the  place  where  they 
were ;  and,  by  the  time  they  had  reached  it, 
they  would  have  received  great  re-enforcements ; 
whereas,  with  so  small  a  force  as  they  had  then 
at  command,  it  was  madness  to  attempt  to  re- 
sist the  Persian  millions.  This  plan,  however, 
was  strongly  opposed  by  all  those  Greeks  who 
represented  countries  without  the  Peloponne- 
sus ;  for,  by  abandoning  Thermopylae,  and  fall- 
ing back  to  the  isthmus,  their  states  would  be 
left  wholly  at  the  mercy  of  tne  enemy.  After 
some  consultation  and  debate,  it  was  decided 
to  remain  at  Thermopylae.  The  troops  accord- 
ingly took  up  their  positions  in  a  deliberate  and 
formal  manner,  and,  intrenching  themselves  as 
strongly  as  possible,  began  to  await  the  onset 
of  the  enemy.  Leonidas  and  his  three  hundred 
were  foremost  in  the  defile,  so  as  to  be  the  first 
exposed  to  the  attack.  The  rest  occupied  vari- 
ous positions  along  the  passage,  except  one  corps, 


B.C. 480.]  Battle  of  Thermopylae.    205 

Character  of  the  Spartans.  Their  pride. 

which  was  stationed  on  the  mountains  above, 
to  guard  the  pass  in  that  direction.  This  corps 
was  from  Phocis,  which,  being  the  state  nearest 
to  the  scene  of  conflict,  had  furnished  a  larger 
number  of  soldiers  than  any  other.  Their  di- 
vision numbered  a  thousand  men.  These  be- 
ing statione'd  on  the  declivity  of  the  mountain, 
left  only  two  or  three  thousand  in  the  defile 
below. 

From  what  has  been  said  of  the  stern  and  sav- 
age character  of  the  Spartans,  one  would  scarce- 
ly expect  in  them  any  indications  or  displays  of 
personal  vanity.  There  was  one  particular,  it 
seems,  however,  in  regard  to  which  they  were 
vain,  and  that  was  in  respect  to  their  hair.  They 
wore  it  very  long.  In  fact,  the  length  of  the  hair 
was,  in  their  commonwealth,  a  mark  of  distinc- 
tion between  freemen  and  slaves.  All  the  ag- 
ricultural and  mechanical  labors  were  perform- 
ed, as  has  already  been  stated,  by  the  slaves,  a 
body  which  constituted,  in  fact,  the  mass  of  the 
population ;  and  the  Spartan  freemen,  though 
very  stern  in  their  manners,  and  extremely  sim- 
ple and  plain  in  their  habits  of  life,  were,  it  must 
be  remembered,  as  proud  and  lofty  in  spirit  as 
they  were  plain  and  poor.  They  constituted  a 
military  aristocracy,  and  a  military  aristocracy 


206  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

The  Spartans  adorn  themselves  for  the  battle.  Approach  of  Xerxes. 

is  always  more  proud  and  overbearing  than  any- 
other. 

It  must  be  understood,  therefore,  that  these 
Spartan  soldiers  were  entirely  above  the  per- 
formance of  any  useful  labors  ;  and  while  they 
prized,  in  character,  the  savage  ferocity  of  the 
tiger,  they  had  a  taste,  in  person,  for  something 
like  his  savage  beauty  too.  They  were  never, 
moreover,  more  particular  and  careful  in  re- 
spect to  their  personal  appearance  than  when 
they  were  going  into  battle.  The  field  of  battle 
was  their  particular  theater  of  display,  not  only 
of  the  substantial  qualities  of  strength,  fortitude, 
and  valor,  but  also  of  such  personal  adornments 
as  were  consistent  with  the  plainness  and  sever- 
ity of  their  attire,  and  could  be  appreciated  by  a 
taste  as  rude  and  savage  as  theirs.  They  pro- 
ceeded, therefore,  when  established  at  their  post 
in  the  throat  of  the  pass,  to  adorn  themselves  for 
the  approaching  battle. 

In  the  mean  time  the  armies  of  Xerxes  were 
approaching.  Xerxes  himself,  though  he  did 
not  think  it  possible  that  the  Greeks  could  have 
a  sufficient  force  to  offer  him  any  effectual  re- 
sistance, thought  it  probable  that  they  would  at- 
tempt to  make,  a  stand  at  the  pass,  and,  when 
he  began  to  draw  near  to  it,  he  sent  forward  a 


B.C. 480.]  Battle  of  Thermopylae.    207 

The  Persian  horseman.  His  observation. 

horseman  to  reconnoiter  the  ground.  The  horse- 
man rode  into  the  pass  a  little  way,  until  he  came 
in  sight  of  the  enemy.  He  stopped  upon  an  em- 
inence to  survey  the  scene,  being  all  ready  to 
turn  in  an-instant,  and  fly  at  the  top  of  his  speed, 
in  case  he  should  be  pursued.  The  Spartans 
looked  upon  him  as  he  stood  there,  but  seemed 
to  consider  his  appearance  as  a  circumstance  of 
no  moment,  and  then  went  on  with  their  avoca- 
tions. The  horseman  found,  as  he  leisurely  ob- 
served them,  that  there  was  an  intrenchment 
thrown  across  the  straits,  and  that  the  Spartans 
were  in  front  of  it.  There  were  other  forces 
behind,  but  these  the  horseman  could  not  see. 
The  Spartans  were  engaged,  some  of  them  in 
athletic  sports  and  gymnastic  exercises,  and  the 
rest  in  nicely  arranging  their  dress,  which  was 
red  and  showy  in  color,  though  simple  and  plain 
in  form,  and  in  smoothing,  adjusting,  and  curl- 
ing their  hair.  In  fact,  they  seemed  to  be,  one 
and  all,  preparing  for  an  entertainment. 

And  yet  these  men  were  actually  preparing 
themselves  to  be  slaughtered,  to  be  butchered, 
one  by  one,  by  slow  degrees,  and  in  the  most  hor- 
rible and  cruel  manner  ;  and  they  knew  perfect- 
ly well  that  it  was  so.  The  adorning  of  them- 
selves was  for  this  express  and  particular  end. 


208  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Report  of  the  horseman.  Conversation  with  Demaratus. 

The  horseman,  when  he  had  attentively  no- 
ticed all  that  was  to  be  seen,  rode  slowly  back 
to  Xerxes,  and  reported  the  result.  The  king 
was  much  amused  at  hearing  such  an  account 
from  his  messenger.  He  sent  for  Demaratus, 
the  Spartan  refugee,  with  whom,  the  reader 
will  recollect,  he  held  a  long  conversation  in 
respect  to  the  Greeks  at  the  close  of  the  great 
review  at  Doriscus.  When  Demaratus  came, 
Xerxes  related  to  him  what  the  messenger  had 
reported.  "  The  Spartans  in  the  pass,"  said 
he,  "  present,  in  their  encampment,  the  appear- 
ance of  being  out  on  a  party  of  pleasure.  What 
does  it  mean  ?  You  will  admit  now,  I  suppose, 
that  they  do  not  intend  to  resist  us." 

Demaratus  shook  his  head.  "  Your  majesty 
does  not  know  theOreeks,"  said  he,  "  and  I  am 
very  much  afraid  that,  if  I  state  what  I  know 
respecting  them,  I  shall  offend  you.  These  ap- 
pearances which  your  messenger  observed  indi- 
cate to  me  that  the  men  he  saw  were  a  body  of 
Spartans,  and  that  they  supposed  themselves  on 
the  eve  of  a  desperate  conflict.  Those  are  the 
men,  practicing  athletic  feats,  and  smoothing  and 
adorning  their  hair,  that  are  the  most  to  be  feared 
of  all  the  soldiers  of  Greece.  If  you  can  conquer 
them,  you  will  have  nothing  beyond  to  fear." 


B.C. 480.]  Battle  of  Thermopylae.    209 

Xerxes  encamps  at  the  pass.  Troops  sent  into  the  pass. 

Xerxes  thought  this  opinion  of  Demaratus 
extremely  absurd.  He  was  convinced  that  the 
party  in  the  pass  was  some  small  detachment 
that  could  not  possibly  be  thinking  of  serious 
resistance.  They  would,  he  was  satisfied,  now 
that  they  found  that  the  Persians  were  at  hand, 
immediately  retire  down  the  pass,  and  leave  the 
way  clear.  He  advanced,  therefore,  up  to  the 
entrance  of  the  pass,  encamped  there,  and  wait- 
ed several  days  for  the  Greeks  to  clear  the  way. 
The  Greeks  remained  quietly  in  their  places, 
paying  apparently  no  attention  whatever  to  the 
impending  and  threatening  presence  of  their 
formidable  foes. 

At  length  Xerxes  concluded  that  it  was  time 
for  him  to  act.  On  the  morning,  therefore,  of 
the  fifth  day,  he  called  out  a  detachment  of  his 
troops,  sufficient,  as  he  thought,  for  the  purpose, 
and  sent  them  down  the  pass,  with  orders  to 
seize  all  the  Greeks  that  were  there,  and  bring 
them,  alive,  to  him.  The  detachment  that  he 
sent  was  a  body  of  Medes,  who  were  considered 
as  the  best  troops  in  the  army,  excepting  always 
the  Immortals,  who,  as  has  been  before  stated, 
were  entirely  superior  to  the  rest.  The  Medes, 
however,  Xerxes  supposed,  would  find  no  diffi- 
culty in  executing  his  orders. 
O 


210  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Defeat  of  the  Persian  detachment.  The  Immortals  called  out 

The  detachment  marched,  accordingly,  into 
the  pass.  In  a  few  hours  a  spent  and  breath- 
less messenger  came  from  them,  asking  for  re- 
enforcements.  The  re-enforcements  were  sent. 
Toward  night  a  remnant  of  the  whole  body  came 
back,  faint  and  exhausted  with  a  long  and  fruit- 
less combat,  and  bringing  many  of  their  wound- 
ed and  bleeding  comrades  with  them.  The  rest 
they  had  left  dead  in  the  defile. 

Xerxes  was  both  astonished  and  enraged  at 
these  results.  He  determined  that  this  trifling 
should  continue  no  longer.  He  ordered  the  Im- 
mortals themselves  to  be  called  out  on  the  fol- 
lowing morning,  and  then,  placing  himself  at 
the  head  of  them,  he  advanced  to  the  vicinity 
of  the  Greek  intrenchments.  Here  he  ordered 
a  seat  or  throne  to  be  placed  for  him  upon  an 
eminence,  and,  taking  his  seat  upon  it,  prepared 
to  witness  the  conflict.  The  Greeks,  in  the 
mean  time,  calmly  arranged  themselves  on  the 
line  which  they  had  undertaken  to  defend,  and 
awaited  the  charge.  Upon  the  ground,  on  ev- 
ery side,  were  lying  the  mangled  bodies  of  the 
Persians  slain  the  day  before,  some  exposed 
fully  to  view,  ghastly  and  horrid  spectacles, 
others  trampled  down  and  half  buried  in  the 
mire. 


B.C.480.J  Battle  of  Thermopylae.    211 

The*  Immortals  advance  to  the  charge.  Valor  of  the  Greeks. 

The  Immortals  advanced  to  the  attack,  but 
they  made  no  impression.  Their  superior  num- 
bers gave  them  no  advantage,  on  account  of  the 
narrowness  of  the  defile.  The  Greeks  stood, 
each  corps  at  its  own  assigned  station  on  the 
line,  forming  a  mass  so  firm  and  immovable  that 
the  charge  of  the  Persians  was  arrested  on  en- 
countering it  as  by  a  wall.  In  fact,  as  the  spears 
of  the  Greeks  were  longer  than  those  of  the  Per- 
sians, and  their  muscular  and  athletic  strength 
and  skill  were  greater,  it  was  found  that  in  the 
desperate  conflict  which  raged,  hour  after  hour, 
along  the  line,  the  Persians  were  continually 
falling,  while  the  Greek  ranks  continued  entire. 
Sometimes  the  Greeks  would  retire  for  a  space, 
falling  back  with  the  utmost  coolness,  regular- 
ity, and  order ;  and  then,  when  the  Persians 
pressed  on  in  pursuit,  supposing  that  they  were 
gaining  the  victory,  the  Greeks  would  turn  so 
soon  as  they  found  that  the  ardor  of  pursuit  had 
thrown  the  enemies'  lines  somewhat  into  confu- 
sion, and,  presenting  the  same  firm  and  terrible 
front  as  before,  would  press  again  upon  the  of- 
fensive, and  cut  down  their  enemies  with  re- 
doubled slaughter.  Xerxes,  who  witnessed  all 
these  things  from  among  the  group  of  officers 
around  him  upon  the  eminence,  was  kept  con- 


•212  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

The  Immortals  repulsed.  Treachery  of  Ephialtes. 

tinually  in  a  state  of  excitement  and  irritation. 
Three  times  he  leaped  from  his  throne,  with 
loud  exclamations  of  vexation  and  rage. 

All,  however,  was  of  no  avail.  When  night 
came  the  Immortals  were  compelled  to  with- 
draw, and  leave  the  Greeks  in  possession  of 
their  intrenchments. 

Things  continued  substantially  in  this  state 
for  one  or  two  days  longer,  when  one  morning 
a  Greek  countryman  appeared  at  the  tent  of 
Xerxes,  and  asked  an  audience  of  the  king.  He 
had  something,  he  said,  of  great  importance  to 
communicate  to  him.  The  king  ordered  him 
to  be  admitted.  The  Greek  said  that  his  name 
was  Ephialtes,  and  that  he  came  to  inform  the 
king  that  there  was  a  secret  path  leading  along 
a  wild  and  hidden  chasm  in  the  mountains,  by 
which  he  could  guide  a  body  of  Persians  to  the 
summit  of  the  hills  overhanging  the  pass  at  a 
point  below  the  Greek  intrenchment.  This 
point  being  once  attained,  it  would  be  easy, 
Ephialtes  said,  for  the  Persian  forces  to  descend 
into  the  pass  below  the  Greeks,  and  thus  to  sur- 
round them  and  shut  them  in,  and  that  the  con- 
quest of  them  would  then  be  easy.  The  path 
was  a  secret  one,  and  known  to  very  few.  He 
knew  it,  however,  and  was  willing  to  conduct  a 


B.C. 480.]  Battle  of  Thermopylae.    213 

Joy  of  Xerxes.  Course  of  the  path. 

detachment  of  troops  through  it,  on  condition 
of  receiving  a  suitable  reward. 

The  king  was  greatly  surprised  and  delighted 
at  this  intelligence.  He  immediately  acceded 
to  Ephialtes's  proposals,  and  organized  a  strong 
force  to  be  sent  up  the  path  that  very  night. 

On  the  north  of  Thermopylae  there  was  a 
small  stream,  which  came  down  through  a 
chasm  in  the  mountains  to  the  sea.  The  path 
which  Ephialtes  was  to  show  commenced  here, 
and  following  the  bed  of  this  stream  up  the 
chasm,  it  at  length  turned  to  the  southward 
through  a  succession  of  wild  and  trackless  rav- 
ines, till  it  came  out  at  last  on  the  declivities  of 
the  mountains  near  the  lower  part  of  the  pass, 
at  a  place  where  it  was  possible  to  descend  to 
the  defile  below.  This  was  the  point  which  the 
thousand  Phocseans  had  been  ordered  to  take 
possession  of  and  guard,  when  the  plan  for  the 
defense  of  the  pass  was  first  organized.  They 
were  posted  here,  not  with  the  idea  of  repelling 
any  attack  from  the  mountains  behind  them — 
for  the  existence  of  the  path  was  wholly  un- 
known to  them — but  only  that  they  might  com- 
mand the  defile  below,  and  aid  in  preventing  the 
Persians  from  going  through,  even  if  those  who 
were  in  the  defile  were  defeated  or  slain. 


214  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

A  Persian  detachment  sent  up  the  path.  The  Phocaeans  retreat. 

The  Persian  detachment  toiled  all  night  up 
the  steep  and  dangerous  pathway,  among  rocks, 
chasms,  and  precipices,  frightful  by  day,  and 
now  made  still  more  frightful  by  the  gloom  of 
the  night.  They  came  out  at  last,  in  the  dawn 
of  the  morning,  into  valleys  and  glens  high  up 
the  declivity  of  the  mountain,  and  in  the  imme- 
diate vicinity  of  the  Phocsean  encampment.  The 
Persians  were  concealed,  as  they  advanced,  by 
the  groves  and  thickets  of  stunted  oaks  which 
grew  here,  but  the  morning  air  was  so  calm 
and  still,  that  the  Phocsean  sentinels  heard  the 
noise  made  by  their  trampling  upon  the  leaves 
as  they  came  up  the  glen.  The  Phocseans  im- 
mediately gave  the  alarm.  Both  parties  were 
completely  surprised.  The  Persians  had  not 
expected  to  find  a  foe  at  this  elevation,  and  the 
Greeks  who  had  ascended  there  had  supposed 
that  all  beyond  and  above  them  was  an  impass- 
able and  trackless  desolation. 

There  was  a  short  conflict.  The  Phocaeans 
were  driven  off  their  ground.  They  retreated 
up  the  mountain,  and  toward  the  southward. 
The  Persians  decided  not  to  pursue  them.  On 
the  other  hand,  they  descended  toward  the  de- 
file, and  took  up  a  position  on  the  lower  decliv- 
ities of  the  mountain,  which  enabled  them  to 


B.C. 480.]  Battle  op  Thermopylae.    2lt 

The  Greeks  surrounded.  Resolution  of  Leonidas 

command  the  pass  below :  there  they  paused, 
and  awaited  Xerxes's  orders. 

The  Greeks  in  the  defile  perceived  at  once 
that  they  were  now  wholly  at  the  mercy  of  their 
enemies.  They  might  yet  retreat,  it  is  true, 
for  the  Persian  detachment  had  not  yet  descend- 
ed to  intercept  them ;  but,  if  they  remained 
where  they  were,  they  would,  in  a  few  hours, 
be  hemmed  in  by  their  foes ;  and  even  if  they 
could  resist,  for  a  little  time,  the  double  onset 
which  would  then  be  made  upon  them,  their 
supplies  would  be  cut  off,  and  there  would  be 
nothing  before  them  but  immediate  starvation. 
They  held  hurried  councils  to  determine  what 
to  do. 

There  is  some  doubt  as  to  what  took  place  at 
these  councils,  though  the  prevailing  testimony 
is,  that  Leonidas  recommended  that  they  should 
retire — that  is,  that  all  except  himself  and  the 
three  hundred  Spartans  should  do  so.  "  You," 
said  he,  addressing  the  other  Greeks,  "  are  at 
liberty,  by  your  laws,  to  consider,  in  such  cases 
as  this,  the  question  of  expediency,  and  to  with- 
draw from  a  position  which  you  have  taken,  or 
stand  and  maintain  it,  according  as  you  judge 
best.  But  by  our  laws,  such  a  question,  in  such 
a  case,  is  not  to  be  entertained.     Wherever  we 


2it>  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Leonidas  dismisses  the  other  Greeks.  His  noble  generosity. 

are  posted,  there  we  stand,  come  life  or  death, 
to  the  end.  We  have  been  sent  here  from  Spar- 
ta to  defend  the  pass  of  Thermopylae.  We  have 
received  no  orders  to  withdraw.  Here,  there- 
fore, we  must  remain  ;  and  the  Persians,  if  they 
go  through  the  pass  at  all,  must  go  through  it 
over  our  graves.  It  is,  therefore,  your  duty  to 
retire.  Our  duty  is  here,  and  we  will  remain 
and  do  it." 

After  all  that  may  be  said  of  the  absurdity 
and  folly  of  throwing  away  the  lives  of  three 
hundred  men  in  a  case  like  this,  so  utterly  and 
hopelessly  desperate,  there  is  still  something  in 
the  noble  generosity  with  which  Leonidas  dis- 
missed the  other  Greeks,  and  in  the  undaunted 
resolution  with  which  he  determined  himself  to 
maintain  his  ground,  which  has  always  strongly 
excited  the  admiration  of  mankind.  It  was  un- 
doubtedly carrying  the  point  of  honor  to  a  wholly 
unjustifiable  extreme,  and  yet  all  the  world,  for 
the  twenty  centuries  which  have  intervened 
since  these  transactions  occurred,  while  they 
have  unanimously  disapproved,  in  theory,  of  the 
course  which  Leonidas  pursued,  have  none  the 
less  unanimously  admired  and  applauded  it. 

In  dismissing  the  other  Greeks,  Leonidas  re- 
■ained  with  him  a  body  of  Thebans,  whom  he 


B.C. 480.]  Battle  of  Thermopylae.    217 


Leonidas  retains  the  Thebans.  Xerxes  attacks  him. 

suspected  of  a  design  of  revolting  to  the  enemy. 
Whether  he  considered  his  decision  to  keep  them 
in  the  pass  equivalent  to  a  sentence  of  death, 
and  intended  it  as  a  punishment  for  their  sup- 
posed treason,  or  only  that  he  wished  to  secure 
their  continued  fidelity  by  keeping  them  closely 
to  their  duty,  does  not  appear.  At  all  events, 
he  retained  them,  and  dismissed  the  other  allies. 
Those  dismissed  retreated  to  the  open  country 
below.  The  Spartans  and  the  Thebans  remain- 
ed in  the  pass.  There  were  also,  it  was  said, 
some  other  troops,  who,  not  willing  to  leave  the 
Spartans  alone  in  this  danger,  chose  to  remain 
with  them  and  share  their  fate.  The  Thebans 
remained  very  unwillingly. 

The  next  morning  Xerxes  prepared  for  his 
final  effort.  He  began  by  solemn  religious  serv- 
ices, in  the  presence  of  his  army,  at  an  early 
hour ;  and  then,  after  breakfasting  quietly,  as 
usual,  and  waiting,  in  fact,  until  the  business 
part  of  the  day  had  arrived,  he  gave  orders  to 
advance.  His  troops  found  Leonidas  and  his 
party  not  at  their  intrenchments,  as  before,  but 
far  in  advance  of  them.  They  had  come  out 
and  forward  into  a  more  open  part  of  the  defile, 
as  if  to  court  and  anticipate  their  inevitable  and 
dreaded  fate.     Here  a  most  terrible  combat  en- 


218  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Terrible  combat.  Death  of  Leonidas. 

sued  ;  one  which,  for  a  time,  seemed  to  have  no 
other  object  than  mutual  destruction,  until  at 
length  Leonidas  himself  fell,  and  then  the  con- 
test for  the  possession  of  his  body  superseded 
the  unthinking  and  desperate  struggles  of  mere 
hatred  and  rage.  Four  times  the  body,  having 
been  taken  by  the  Persians,  was  retaken  by  the 
Greeks  :  at  last  the  latter  retreated,  bearing  the 
dead  body  with  them  past  their  intrenchment, 
until  they  gained  a  small  eminence  in  the  rear 
of  it,  at  a  point  where  the  pass  was  wider.  Here 
the  few  that  were  still  left  gathered  together. 
The  detachment  which  Ephialtes  had  guided 
were  coming  up  from  below.  The  Spartans 
were  faint  and  exhausted  with  their  desperate 
efforts,  and  were  bleeding  from  the  wounds  they 
had  received ;  their  swords  and  spears  were  brok- 
en to  pieces,  their  leader  and  nearly  all  their 
company  were  slain.  But  the  savage  and  tiger- 
like ferocity  which  animated  them  continued 
unabated  till  the  last.  They  fought  with  tooth 
and  nail  when  all  other  weapons  failed  them, 
and  bit  the  dust  at  last,  as  they  fell,  in  convul- 
sive and  unyielding  despair.  The  struggle  did 
not  cease  till  they  were  all  slain,  and  every  limb 
of  every  man  ceased  to  quiver. 


B.C. 480.]  Battle  of  Thermopylae.    219 

Stories  of  the  battle.  The  two  invalids. 

There  were  stories  in  circulation  among  man- 
kind after  this  battle,  importing  that  one  or  two 
of  the  corps  escaped  the  fate  of  the  rest.  There 
were  two  soldiers,  it  was  said,  that  had  been  left 
in  a  town  near  the  pass,  as  invalids,  being  af- 
flicted with  a  severe  inflammation  of  the  eyes. 
One  of  them,  when  he  heard  that  the  Spartans 
were  to  be  left  in  the  pass,  went  in,  of  his  own 
accord,  and  joined  them,  choosing  to  share  the 
fate  of  his  comrades.  It  was  said  that  he  order- 
ed his  servant  to  conduct  him  to  the  place.  The 
servant  did  so,  and  then  fled  himself,  in  great 
terror.  The  sick  soldier  remained  and  fought 
with  the  rest.  The  other  of  the  invalids  was 
saved,  but,  on  his  return  to  Sparta,  he  was  con- 
sidered as  stained  with  indelible  disgrace  for 
what  his  countrymen  regarded  a  base  derelic- 
tion from  duty  in  not  sharing  his  comrade's  fate. 

There  was  also  a  story  of  another  man,  who 
had  been  sent  away  on  some  mission  into  Thes- 
saly,  and  who  did  not  return  until  all  was  over  ; 
and  also  of  two  others  who  had  been  sent  to 
Sparta,  and  were  returning  when  they  heard 
of  the  approaching  conflict.  One  of  them  hast- 
ened into  the  pass,  and  was  killed  with  his  com- 
panions. The  other  delayed,  and  was  saved. 
Whether  any  or  all  of  these  rumors  were  true, 


220  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Xerxes  views  the  ground.  His  treatment  of  the  body  of  Leonidas. 

is  not  now  certain  ;  there  is,  however,  no  doubt 
that,  with  at  most  a  few  exceptions  such  as 
these,  the  whole  three  hundred  were  slain. 

The  Thebans,  early  in  the  conflict,  went  over 
in  a  body  to  the  enemy. 

Xerxes  came  after  the  battle  to  view  the 
ground.  It  was  covered  with  many  thousands 
of  dead  bodies,  nearly  all  of  whom,  of  course, 
were  Persians.  The  wall  of  the  intrenchment 
was  broken  down,  and  the  breaches  in  it  choked 
up  by  the  bodies.  The  morasses  made  by  the 
water  of  the  springs  were  trampled  into  deep 
mire,  and  were  full  of  the  mutilated  forms  of 
men  and  of  broken  weapons.  When  Xerxes 
came  at  last  to  the  body  of  Leonidas,  and  was 
told  that  that  was  the  man  who  had  been  the 
leader  of  the  band,  he  gloried  over  it  in  great  ex- 
ultation and  triumph.  At  length  he  ordered 
the  body  to  be  decapitated,  and  the  headless 
trunk  to  be  nailed  to  a  cross. 

Xerxes  then  commanded  that  a  great  hole 
should  be  dug,  and  ordered  all  the  bodies  of  the 
Persians  that  had  been  killed  to  be  buried  in  it, 
except  only  about  a  thousand,  which  he  left  upon 
the  ground.  The  object  of  this  was  to  conceal 
the  extent  of  the  loss  which  his  army  had  sus- 
tained.    The  more  perfectly  to  accomplish  this 


B.C. 480.]  Battle  of  Thermopylae.    221 

Message  to  the  fleet.  Xerxes  sends  for  Demaratus. 

end,  he  caused  the  great  grave,  when  it  was 
filled  up,  to  be  strewed  over  with  leaves,  so  as  to 
cover  and  conceal  all  indications  of  what  had 
been  done.  This  having  been  carefully  effect- 
ed, he  sent  the  message  to  the  fleet,  which  was 
alluded  to  at  the  close  of  the  last  chapter,  in- 
viting the  officers  to  come  and  view  the  ground. 

The  operations  of  the  fleet  described  in  the 
last  chapter,  and  those  of  the  army  narrated  in 
this,  took  place,  it  will  be  remembered,  at  the 
same  time,  and  in  the  same  vicinity  too ;  for, 
by  referring  to  the  map,  it  will  appear  that  Ther- 
mopylae was  upon  the  coast,  exactly  opposite  to 
the  channel  or  arm  of  the  sea  lying  north  of  Eu- 
bcea,  where  the  naval  contests  had  been  waged  ; 
so  that,  while  Xerxes  had  been  making  his  des- 
perate efforts  to  get  through  the  pass,  his  fleet 
had  been  engaged  in  a  similar  conflict  with  the 
squadrons  of  the  Greeks,  directly  opposite  to 
him,  twenty  or  thirty  miles  in  the  offing. 

After  the  battle  of  Thermopylae  was  over, 
Xerxes  sent  for  Demaratus,  and  inquired  of 
him  how  many  more  such  soldiers  there  were  in 
Greece  as  Leonidas  and  his  three  hundred  Spar- 
tans. Demaratus  replied  that  he  could  not  say 
how  many  precisely  there  were  in  Greece,  but 
that  there  were  eight  thousand  such  in  Sparta 


222  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Conversation  with  Demaratus.  Plans  proposed  by  him. 

alone.  Xerxes  then  asked  the  opinion  of  Dema- 
ratus as  to  the  course  best  to  be  pursued  for 
making  the  conquest  of  the  country.  This  con- 
versation was  held  in  the  presence  of  various  no- 
bles and  officers,  among  whom  was  the  admiral 
of  the  fleet,  who  had  come,  with  the  various  oth- 
er naval  commanders,  as  was  stated  in  the  last 
chapter,  to  view  the  battle-field. 

Demaratus  said  that  he  did  not  think  that 
the  king  could  easily  get  possession  of  the  Pel- 
oponnesus by  marching  to  it  directly,  so  formi- 
dable would  be  the  opposition  that  he  would  en- 
counter at  the  isthmus.  There  was,  however, 
he  said,  an  island  called  Cythera,  opposite  to  the 
territories  of  Sparta,  and  not  far  from  the  shore, 
of  which  he  thought  that  the  king  could  easily 
get  possession,  and  which,  once  fully  in  his  pow- 
er, might  be  made  the  base  of  future  operations 
for  the  reduction  of  the  whole  peninsula,  as  bod- 
ies of  troops  could  be  dispatched  from  it  to  the 
main  land  in  any  numbers  and  at  any  time.  He 
recommended,  therefore,  that  three  hundred 
ships,  with  a  proper  complement  of  men,  should 
be  detached  from  the  fleet,  and  sent  round  at 
once  to  take  possession  of  that  island. 

To  this  plan  the  admiral  of  the  fleet  was  to- 
tally opposed.     It  was  natural  that  he  should 


B.C. 480.]  Battle  of  Thermopylae.    223 

Opposition  of  the  admiral.  Decision  of  Xerxes 

be  so,  since  the  detaching  of  three  hundred  ships 
for  this  enterprise  would  greatly  weaken  the 
force  under  his  command.  It  would  leave  the 
fleet,  he  told  the  king,  a  miserable  remnant,  not 
superior  to  that  of  the  enemy,  for  they  had  al- 
ready lost  four  hundred  ships  by  storms.  He 
thought  it  infinitely  preferable  that  the  fleet  and 
the  army  should  advance  together,  the  one  by 
sea  and  the  other  on  the  land,  and  complete  their 
conquests  as  they  went  along.  He  advised  the 
king,  too,  to  beware  of  Demaratus's  advice. 
He  was  a  Greek,  and,  as  such,  his  object  was, 
the  admiral  believed,  to  betray  and  ruin  the  ex- 
pedition. 

After  hearing  these  conflicting  opinions,  the 
king  decided  to  follow  the  admiral's  advice. 
"I  will  adopt  your  counsel,"  said  he,  "but  I 
will  not  hear  any  thing  said  against  Demara- 
tus,  for  I  am  convinced  that  he  is  a  true  and 
faithful  friend  to  me."  Saying  this,  he  dis- 
missed the  council. 


224  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

The  officers  return  to  their  vessels.      The  Greek  fleet  retire  to  Salamis. 


Chapter  X. 

The  Burning  of  Athens. 

X/y  HEN  the  officers  of  the  Persian  fleet  had 
?  *  satisfied  themselves  with  examining  the 
battle-field  at  Thermopylae,  and  had  heard  the 
narrations  given  by  the  soldiers  of  the  terrible 
combats  that  had  been  fought  with  the  despe- 
rate garrison  which  had  been  stationed  to  de- 
fend the  pass,  they  went  back  to  their  vessels, 
and  prepared  to  make  sail  to  the  southward,  in 
pursuit  of  the  Greek  fleet.  The  Greek  fleet 
had  gone  to  Salamis.  The  Persians  in  due 
time  overtook  them  there,  and  a  great  naval 
conflict  occurred,  which  is  known  in  history  as 
the  battle  of  Salamis,  and  was  one  of  the  most 
celebrated  naval  battles  of  ancient  times.  An 
account  of  this  battle  will  form  the  subject  of 
the  next  chapter.  In  this  we  are  to  follow  the 
operations  of  the  army  on  the  land. 

As  the  Pass  of  Thermopylae  was  now  in  Xerx- 
es's  possession,  the  way  was  open  before  him  to 
all  that  portion  of  the  great  territory  which  lay 
north  of  the  Peloponnesus.     Of  course,  before 


B.C. 480.]  Burning  of  Athens.  225 

The  Thessalians.  Their  hostility  to  the  Phocaeana. 

he  could  enter  the  peninsula  itself,  he  must  pass 
the  Isthmus  of  Corinth,  where  he  might,  per- 
haps, encounter  some  concentrated  resistance. 
North  of  the  isthmus,  however,  there  was  no 
place  where  the  Greeks  could  make  a  stand. 
The  country  was  all  open,  or,  rather,  there  were 
a  thousand  ways  open  through  the  various  val- 
leys and  glens,  and  along  the^banks  of  the  riv- 
ers. All  that  was  necessary  was  to  procure 
guides  and  proceed. 

The  Thessalians  were  very  ready  to  furnish 
guides.  They  had  submitted  to  Xerxes  before 
the  battle  of  Thermopylae,  and  they  considered 
themselves,  accordingly,  as  his  allies.  They 
had,  besides,  a  special  interest  in  conducting 
the  Persian  army,  on  account  of  the  hostile  feel- 
ings which  they  entertained  toward  the  people 
immediately  south  of  the  pass,  into  whose  ter- 
ritories Xerxes  would  first  carry  his  ravages. 
This  people  were  the  Phocaeans.  Their  coun- 
try, as  has  already  been  stated,  was  separated 
from  Thessaly  by  impassable  mountains,  except 
where  the  Straits  of  Thermopylae  opened  a  pas- 
sage ;  and  through  this  pass  both  nations  had 
been  continually  making  hostile  incursions  into 
the  territory  of  the  other  for  many  years  before 
the  Persian  invasion.  The  Thessalians  had 
P 


226  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Defeat  of  the  Thessalians.  Phocffian  stratagem. 


surrendered  readily  to  the  summons  of  Xerxes, 
while  the  PhocBsans  had  determined  to  resist 
him,  and  adhere  to  the  cause  of  the  Greeks  in 
the  struggle.  They  were  suspected  of  having 
been  influenced,  in  a  great  measure,  in  their  de- 
termination to  resist,  by  the  fact  that  the  Thes- 
salians  had  decided  to  surrender.  They  Were 
resolved  that  they  would  not,  on  any  account, 
be  upon  the  same  side  with  their  ancient  and 
inveterate  foes. 

The  hostility  of  the  Thessalians  to  the  Pho- 
csBans  was  equally  implacable.  At  the  last  in- 
cursion which  they  had  made  into  the  Phocsean 
territory,  they  had  been  defeated  by  means  of 
stratagems  in  a  manner  which  tended  greatly 
to  vex  and  irritate  them.  There  were  two  of 
these  stratagems,  which  were  both  completely 
successful,  and  both  of  a  very  extraordinary 
character. 

The  first  was  this.  The  Thessalians  were  in 
the  Phocaean  country  in  great  force,  and  the  Pho- 
cseans  had  found  themselves  utterly  unable  to 
expel  them.  Under  these  circumstances,  a  body 
of  the  PhocaBans,  six  hundred  in  number,  one 
day  whitened  their  faces,  their  arms  and  hands, 
their  clothes,  and  all  their  weapons,  with  chalk, 
and  then,  at  the  dead  of  night — perhaps,  how- 


B.C. 480.]  Burning  of  Athens.  227 

A  spectral  army.  Thessalian  cavalry. 

ever,  when  the  moon  was  shining — made  an  on- 
set upon  the  camp  of  the  enemy.  The  Thessa- 
lian sentinels  were  terrified  and  ran  away,  and 
the  soldiers,  awakened  from  their  slumbers  by 
these  unearthly-looking  troops,  screamed  with 
fright,  and  fled  in  all  directions,  in  utter  con- 
fusion and  dismay.  A  night  attack  is  usually 
a  dangerous  attempt,  even  if  the  assaulting 
party  is  the  strongest,  as,  in  the  darkness  and 
confusion  which  then  prevail,  the  assailants  can 
not  ordinarily  distinguish  friends  from  foes,  and 
so  are  in  great  danger,  amid  the  tumult  and  ob- 
scurity, of  slaying  one  another.  That  difficulty 
was  obviated  in  this  case  by  the  strange  disguise 
which  the  Phocseans  had  assumed.  They  knew 
that  all  were  Thessalians  who  were  not  whitened 
like  themselves.  The  Thessalians  were  totally 
discomfited  and  dispersed  by  this  encounter. 

The  other  stratagem  was  of  a  different  char- 
acter, and  was  directed  against  a  troop  of  cav- 
alry. The  Thessalian  cavalry  were  renowned 
throughout  the  world.  The  broad  plains  ex- 
tending through  the  heart  of  their  country  con- 
tained excellent  fields  for  training  and  exercis- 
ing such  troops,  and  the  mountains  which  sur- 
sounded  it  furnished  grassy  slopes  and  verdant 
valleys,  that  supplied  excellent  pasturage  for 


228  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Pitfall  for  the  cavalry.  They  are  caught  in  it. 


the  rearing  of  horses.  The  nation  was  very- 
strong,  therefore,  in  this  species  of  force,  and 
many  of  the  states  and  kingdoms  of  Greece, 
when  planning  their  means  of  internal  defense, 
and  potentates  and  conquerors,  when  going  forth 
on  great  campaigns,  often  considered  their  ar- 
mies incomplete  unless  there  was  included  in 
them  a  corps  of  Thessalian  cavalry. 

A  troop  of  this  cavalry  had  invaded  Phocis, 
and  the  Phocaeans,  conscious  of  their  inability 
to  resist  them  in  open  war,  contrived  to  entrap 
them  in  the  following  manner.  They  dug  a 
long  trench  in  the  ground,  and  then  putting  in 
baskets  or  casks  sufficient  nearly  to  fill  the  space, 
they  spread  over  the  top  a  thin  layer  of  soil. 
They  then  concealed  all  indications  that  the 
ground  had  been  disturbed,  by  spreading  leaves 
over  the  surface.  The  trap  being  thus  prepared, 
they  contrived  to  entice  the  Thessalians  to  the 
spot  by  a  series  of  retreats,  and  at  length  led 
them  into  the  pitfall  thus  provided  for  them. 
The  substructure  of  casks  was  strong  enough  to 
sustain  the  Phocaeans,  who  went  over  it  as  foot- 
men, but  was  too  fragile  to  bear  the  weight  of 
the  mounted  troops.  The  horses  broke  through, 
and  the  squadron  was  thrown  into  such  confu- 
sion by  so  unexpected  a  disaster,  that,  when 


B.C. 480.]  Burning  op  Athens.  229 

Advance  of  the  army.  Cruelties  and  atrocities. 

the  Phocseans  turned  and  fell  upon  them,  they 
were  easily  overcome. 

These  things  had  irritated  and  vexed  the 
Thessalians  very  much.  They  were  eager  for 
revenge,  and  they  were  very  ready  to  guide  the 
armies  of  Xerxes  into  the  country  of  their  ene- 
mies in  order  to  obtain  it. 

The  troops  advanced  accordingly,  awakening 
every  where,  as  they  came  on,  the  greatest  con- 
sternation and  terror  among  the  inhabitants, 
and  producing  on  all  sides  scenes  of  indescriba- 
ble anguish  and  suffering.  They  came  into  the 
valley  of  the  Cephisus,  a  beautiful  river  flow- 
ing through  a  delightful  and  fertile  region,  which 
contained  many  cities  and  towns,  and  was  filled 
every  where  with  an  industrious  rural  popula- 
tion. Through  this  scene  of  peace,  and  hap- 
piness, and  plenty,  the  vast  horde  of  invaders 
swept  on  with  the  destructive  force  of  a  tornado. 
They  plundered  the  towns  of  every  thing  which 
could  be  carried  away,  and  destroyed  what  they 
were  compelled  to  leave  behind  them.  There  is 
a  catalogue  of  twelve  cities  in  this  valley  which 
they  burned.  The  inhabitants,  too,  were  treat- 
ed with  the  utmost  cruelty.  Some  were  seized, 
and  compelled  to  follow  the  army  as  slaves ;  oth- 
ers were  slain ;  and  others  still  were  subjected 


230  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

The  sacred  town  of  Delphi.  Mount  Parnassus. 

to  nameless  cruelties  and  atrocities,  worse  some- 
times than  death.  Many  of  the  women,  both 
mothers  and  maidens,  died  in  consequence  of 
the  brutal  violence  with  which  the  soldiers  treat- 
ed them. 

The  most  remarkable  of  the  transactions  con- 
nected with  Xerxes's  advance  through  the  coun- 
try of  Phocis,  on  his  way  to  Athens,  were  those 
connected  with  his  attack  upon  Delphi.  Del- 
phi was  a  sacred  town,  the  seat  of  the  oracle. 
It  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Mount  Parnassus  and 
of  the  Castalian  spring,  places  of  very  great  re- 
nown in  the  Greek  mythology. 

Parnassus  was  the  name  of  a  short  mount- 
ainous range  rather  than  of  a  single  peak, 
though  the  loftiest  summit  of  the  range  was 
called  Parnassus  too.  This  summit  is  found, 
by  modern  measurement,  to  be  about  eight  thou- 
sand feet  high,  and  it  is  covered  with  snow  near- 
ly all  the  year.  When  bare  it  consists  only 
of  a  desolate  range  of  rocks,  with  mosses  and 
a  few  Alpine  plants  growing  on  the  sheltered 
and  sunny  sides  of  them.  From  the  top  of  Par- 
nassus travelers  who  now  visit  it  look  down  upon 
almost  all  of  Greece  as  upon  a  map.  The  Gulf 
of  Corinth  is  a  silver  lake  at  their  feet,  and  the 
plains  of  Thessaly  are  seen  extending  far  and 


B.C. 480.]  Burning  of  Athens.  231 

Summit  of  Parnassus.  The  Castalian  spring. 

wide  to  the  northward,  with  Olympus,  Pelion, 
and  Ossa,  blue  and  distant  peaks,  bounding  the 
view. 

Parnassus  has,  in  fact,  a  double  summit,  be- 
tween the  peaks  of  which  a  sort  of  ravine  com- 
mences, which,  as  it  extends  down  the  mount- 
ain, becomes  a  beautiful  valley,  shaded  with 
rows  of  trees,  and  adorned  with  slopes  of  verd- 
ure and  banks  of  flowers.  In  a  glen  connect- 
ed with  this  valley  there  is  a  fountain  of  water 
springing  copiously  from  among  the  rocks,  in  a 
grove  of  laurels.  This  fountain  gives  rise  to  a 
stream,  which,  after  bounding  over  the  rocks, 
and  meandering  between  mossy  banks  for  a  long 
distance  down  the  mountain  glens,  becomes  a 
quiet  lowland  stream,  and  flows  gently  through 
a  fertile  and  undulating  country  to  the  sea. 
This  fountain  was  the  famous  Castalian  spring. 
It  was,  as  the  ancient  Greek  legends  said,  the 
favorite  resort  and  residence  of  Apollo  and  the 
Muses,  and  its  waters  became,  accordingly,  the 
symbol  and  the  emblem  of  poetical  inspiration. 

The  city  of  Delphi  was  built  upon  the  lower 
declivities  of  the  Parnassian  ranges,  and  yet 
high  above  the  surrounding  country.  It  was 
built  in  the  form  of  an  amphitheater,  in  a  sort 
of  lap  in  the  hill  where  it  stood,  with  steep  prec- 


232  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

The  oracle.  Architectural  structures.  Works  of  art 

ipices  descending  to  a  great  depth  on  either  side. 
It  was  thus  a  position  of  difficult  access,  and 
was  considered  almost  impregnable  in  respect 
to  its  military  strength.  Besides  its  natural 
defenses,  it  was  considered  as  under  the  special 
protection  of  Apollo. 

Delphi  was  celebrated  throughout  the  world, 
in  ancient  times,  not  only  for  the  oracle  itself, 
but  for  the  magnificence  of  the  architectural 
structures,  the  boundless  profusion  of  the  works 
of  art,  and  the  immense  value  of  the  treasures 
which,  in  process  of  time,  had  been  accumula- 
ted there.  The  various  powers  and  potentates 
that  had  resorted  to  it  to  obtain  the  responses 
of  the  oracle,  had  brought  rich  presents,  or  made 
costly  contributions  in  some  way,  to  the  service 
of  the  shrine.  Some  had. built  temples,  others 
had  constructed  porches  or  colonnades.  Some 
had  adorned  the  streets  of  the  city  with  archi- 
tectural embellishments ;  others  had  caused 
statues  to  be  erected;  and  others  had  made 
splendid  donations  of  vessels  of  gold  and  silver, 
until  at  length  the  wealth  and  magnificence  of 
Delphi  was  the  wonder  of  the  world.  All  na- 
tions resorted  to  it,  some  to  see  its  splendors,  and 
others  to  obtain  the  counsel  and  direction  of  the 
oracle  in  emergencies  of  difficulty  or  danger. 


B.C. 480.]  Burning  op  Athens.  233 

Inspiration  of  the  oracle.  Its  discovery. 

In  the  time  of  Xerxes,  Delphi  had  been  for 
several  hundred  years  in  the  enjoyment  of  its 
fame  as  a  place  of  divine  inspiration.  It  was 
said  to  have  been  originally  discovered  in  the 
following  manner.  Some  herdsmen  on  the 
mountains,  watching  their  flocks,  observed  one 
day  a  number  of  goats  performing  very  strange 
and  unaccountable  antics  among  some  crevices 
in  the  rocks,  and,  going  to  the  place,  they  found 
that  a  mysterious  wind  was  issuing  from  the 
crevices,  which  produced  an  extraordinary  ex- 
hilaration on  all  who  breathed  it.  Every  thing 
extraordinary  was  thought,  in  those  days,  to  be 
supernatural  and  divine,  and  the  fame  of  this 
discovery  was  spread  every  where,  the  people 
supposing  that  the  effect  produced  upon  the  men 
and  animals  by  breathing  the  mysterious  air 
was  a  divine  inspiration.  A  temple  was  built 
over  the  spot,  priests  and  priestesses  were  in- 
stalled, a  city  began  to  rise,  and  in  process  of 
time  Delphi  became  the  most  celebrated  oracle 
in  the  world ;  and  as  the  vast  treasures  which 
had  been  accumulated  there  consisted  mainly 
of  gifts  and  offerings  consecrated  to  a  divine  and 
sacred  service,  they  were  all  understood  to  be 
under  divine  protection.  They  were  defended, 
it  is  true,  in  part  by  the  inaccessibleness  of  the 


234  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Panic  of  the  Delphians.  They  apply  to  the  oracle. 

position  of  Delphi,  and  by  the  artificial  fortifica- 
tions which  had  been  added  from  time  to  time 
to  increase  the  security,  but  still  more  by  the 
feeling  which  every  where  prevailed,  that  any 
violence  offered  to  such  a  shrine  would  be  pun- 
ished by  the  gods  as  sacrilege.  The  account  of 
the  manner  in  which  Xerxes  was  repulsed,  as 
related  by  the  ancient  historians,  is  somewhat 
marvelous.  We,  however,  in  this  case,  as  in  all 
others,  transmit  the  story  to  our  readers  as  the 
ancient  historians  give  it  to  us. 

The  main  body  of  the  army  pursued  its  way 
directly  southward  toward  the  city  of  Athens, 
which  was  now  the  great  object  at  which  Xerx- 
es aimed.  A  large  detachment,  however,  sep- 
arating from  the  main  body,  moved  more  to  the 
westward,  toward  Delphi.  Their  plan  was  to 
plunder  the  temples  and  the  city,  and  send  the 
treasures  to  the  king.  The  Delphians,  on  hear- 
ing this,  were  seized  with  consternation.  They 
made  application  themselves  to  the  oracle,  to 
know  what  they  were  to  do  in  respect  to  the  sa- 
cred treasures.  They  could  not  defend  them, 
they  said,  against  such  a  host,  and  they  inquired 
whether  they  should  bury  them  in  the  earth,  or 
attempt  to  remove  them  to  some  distant  place 
of  safety. 


B.C. 480.]  Burning  of  Athens.  235 

Response  of  the  oracle.  The  prodigy  in  the  temple. 

The  oracle  replied  that  they  were  to  do  noth- 
ing at  all  in  respect  to  the  sacred  treasures.  The 
divinity,  it  said,  was  able  to  protect  what  was  its 
own.  They,  on  their  part,  had  only  to  provide 
for  themselves,  their  wives,  and  their  children. 

On  hearing  this  response,  the  people  dismiss- 
ed all  care  in  respect  to  the  treasures  of  the  tem- 
ple and  of  the  shrine,  and  made  arrangements 
for  removing  their  families  and  their  own  effects 
to  some  place  of  safety  toward  the  southward. 
The  military  force  of  the  city  and  a  small  num- 
ber of  the  inhabitants  alone  remained. 

When  the  Persians  began  to  draw  near,  a 
prodigy  occurred  in  the  temple,  which  seemed 
intended  to  warn  the  profane  invaders  away. 
It  seems  that  there  was  a  suit  of  arms,  of  a  cost- 
ly character  doubtless,  and  highly  decorated 
with  gold  and  gems — the  present,  probably,  of 
some  Grecian  state  or  king — which  were  hung 
in  an  inner  and  sacred  apartment  of  the  temple, 
and  which  it  was  sacrilegious  for  any  human 
hand  to  touch.  These  arms  were  found,  on  the 
day  when  the  Persians  were  approaching,  re- 
moved to  the  outward  front  of  the  temple.  The 
priest  who  first  observed  them  was  struck  with 
amazement  and  awe.  He  spread  the  intelli- 
gence among  the  soldiers  and  the  people  that 


236  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480, 

Discomfiture  of  the  Persians.  The  spirit  warriors 

remained,  and  the  circumstance  awakened  in 
them  great  animation  and  courage. 

Nor  were  the  hopes  of  divine  interposition 
which  this  wonder  awakened  disappointed  in 
the  end ;  for,  as  soon  as  the  detachment  of  Per- 
sians came  near  the  hill  on  which  Delphi  was 
situated,  loud  thunder  burst  from  the  sky,  and 
a  bolt,  descending  upon  the  precipices  near  the 
town,  detached  two  enormous  masses  of  rock, 
which  rolled  down  upon  the  ranks  of  the  inva- 
ders. The  Delphian  soldiers,  taking  advantage 
of  the  scene  of  panic  and  confusion  which  this 
awful  visitation  produced,  rushed  down  upon 
their  enemies  and  completed  their  discomfiture. 
They  were  led  on  and  assisted  in  this  attack  by 
the  spirits  of  two  ancient  heroes,  who  had  been 
natives  of  the  country,  and  to  whom  two  of  the 
temples  of  Delphi  had  been  consecrated.  These 
spirits  appeared  in  the  form  of  tall  and  full-arm- 
ed warriors,  who  led  the  attack,  and  performed 
prodigies  of  strength  and  valor  in  the  onset  upon 
the  Persians ;  and  then,  when  the  battle  was 
over,  disappeared  as  mysteriously  as  they  came. 

In  the  mean  time  the  great  body  of  the  army 
of  Xerxes,  with  the  monarch  at  their  head,  was 
advancing  on  Athens.  During  his  advance  the 
city  had  been  in  a  continual  state  of  panic  and 


B.C. 480.]  Burning  of  Athens.  237 

Consternation  at  Athens.  The  inhabitants  advised  to  fly. 

confusion.  In  the  first  place,  when  the  Greek 
fleet  had  concluded  to  give  up  the  contest  in  the 
Artemisian  Channel,  before  the  battle  of  Ther- 
mopylae, and  had  passed  around  to  Salamis,  the 
commanders  in  the  city  of  Athens  had  given  up 
the  hope  of  making  any  effectual  defense,  and 
had  given  orders  that  the  inhabitants  should 
save  themselves  by  seeking  a  refuge  wherever 
they  could  find  it.  This  annunciation,  of  course, 
filled  the  city  with  dismay,  and  the  preparations 
for  a  general  flight  opened  every  where  scenes 
of  terror  and  distress,  of  which  those  who  have 
never  witnessed  the  evacuation  of  a  city  by  its 
inhabitants  can  scarcely  conceive. 

The  immediate  object  of  the  general  terror 
was,  at  this  time,  the  Persian  fleet ;  for  the 
Greek  fleet,  having  determined  to  abandon  the 
waters  on  that  side  of  Attica,  left  the  whole 
coast  exposed,  and  the  Persians  might  be  expect- 
ed at  any  hour  to  make  a  landing  within  a  few 
miles  of  the  city.  Scarcely,  however,  had  the 
impending  of  this  danger  been  made  known  to 
the  city,  before  the  tidings  of  one  still  more  im- 
minent reached  it,  in  the  news  that  the  Pass  of 
Thermopylae  had  been  carried,  and  that,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  peril  with  which  the  Athenians 
were  threatened  by  the  fleet  on  the  side  of  the 


238  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Scenes  of  misery.  Some  of  the  inhabitants  remain. 

sea,  the  whole  Persian  army  was  coming  down 
upon  them  by  land.  This  fresh  alarm  greatly 
increased,  of  course,  the  general  consternation. 
All  the  roads  leading  from  the  city  toward  the 
south  and  west  were  soon  covered  with  parties 
of  wretched  fugitives,  exhibiting  as  they  press- 
ed forward,  weary  and  wayworn,  on  their  toil- 
some and  almost  hopeless  flight,  every  possible 
phase  of  misery,  destitution,  and  despair.  The 
army  fell  back  to  the  isthmus,  intending  to  make 
a  stand,  if  possible,  there,  to  defend  the  Pelopon- 
nesus. The  fugitives  made  the  best  of  their 
way  to  the  sea-coast,  where  they  were  received 
on  board  transport  ships  sent  thither  from  the 
fleet,  and  conveyed,  some  to  Egina,  some  to  Sala- 
mis,  and  others  to  other  points  on  the  coasts  and 
islands  to  the  south,  wherever  the  terrified  exiles 
thought  there  was  the  best  prospect  of  safety. 

Some,  however,  remained  at  Athens.  There 
was  a  part  of  the  population  who  believed  that 
the  phrase  "  wooden  walls,"  used  by  the  oracle, 
referred,  not  to  the  ships  of  the  fleet,  but  to  the 
wooden  palisade  around  the  citadel.  They  ac- 
cordingly repaired  and  strengthened  the  pali- 
sade, and  established  themselves  in  the  fortress 
with  a  small  garrison  which  undertook  to  de- 
fend it 


B.C. 480.]  Burning  of  Athens.  239 

Situation  of  the  Acropolis.  Magnificent  architectural  structures. 

The  citadel  of  Athens,  or  the  Acropolis,  as  it 
was  called,  was  the  richest,  and  most  splendid, 
and  magnificent  fortress  in  the  world.  It  was 
built  upon  an  oblong  rocky  hill,  the  sides  of 
which  were  perpendicular  cliffs,  except  at  one 
end,  where  alone  the  summit  was  accessible. 
This  summit  presented  an  area  of  an  oval  form, 
about  a  thousand  feet  in  length  and  five  hund- 
red broad,  thus  containing  a  space  of  about  ten 
acres.  This  area  upon  the  summit,  and  also 
the  approaches  at  the  western  end,  were  cover- 
ed with  the  most  grand,  imposing,  and  costly 
architectural  structures  that  then  existed  in  the 
whole  European  world.  There  were  temples, 
colonnades,  gateways,  stairways,  porticoes,  tow- 
ers, and  walls,  which,  viewed  as  a  whole,  pre- 
sented a  most  magnificent  spectacle,  that  ex- 
cited universal  admiration,  and  which,  when 
examined  in  detail,  awakened  a  greater  degree 
of  wonder  still  by  the  costliness  of  the  materi- 
als, the  beauty  and  perfection  of  the  workman- 
ship, and  the  richness  and  profusion  of  the  dec- 
orations, which  were  seen  on  every  hand.  The 
number  and  variety  of  statues  of  bronze  and  of 

marble  which  had  been  erected  in  the  various 

I 

temples  and  upon  the  different  platforms  were 
very  great.     There  was  one,  a  statue  of  Miner- 


240  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 


Statue  of  Minerva.  The  Parthenon.  Xerxes  at  Athens. 

va,  which  was  executed  by  Phidias,  the  great 
Athenian  sculptor,  after  the  celebrated  battle 
of  Marathon,  in  the  days  of  Darius,  which,  with 
its  pedestal,  was  sixty  feet  high.  It  stood  on 
the  left  of  the  grand  entrance,  towering  above 
the  buildings  in  full  view  from  the  country  be- 
low, and  leaning  upon  its  long  spear  like  a  co- 
lossal sentinel  on  guard.  In  the  distance,  on 
the  right,  from  the  same  point  of  view,  the  great 
temple  called  the  Parthenon  was  to  be  seen,  a 
temple  which  was,  in  some  respects,  the  most 
celebrated  in  the  world.  The  ruins  of  these 
edifices  remain  to  the  present  day,  standing  in 
desolate  and  solitary  grandeur  on  the  rocky  hill 
which  they  once  so  richly  adorned. 

When  Xerxes  arrived  at  Athens,  he  found, 
of  course,  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  possession 
of  the  city  itself,  since  it  had  been  deserted  by 
its  inhabitants,  and  left  defenseless.  The  peo- 
ple that  remained  had  all  crowded  into  the  cita- 
del. They  had  built  the  wooden  palisade  across 
the  only  approach  by  which  it  was  possible  to 
get  near  the  gates,  and  they  had  collected  large 
stones  on  the  tops  of  the  rocks,  to  roll  down  upon 
their  assailants  if  they  should  attempt  to  ascend. 

Xerxes,  after  ravaging  and  burning  the  town, 
took  up  a  position  upon  a  hill  opposite  to  the  cit- 


B.C. 480.]  Burning  of  Athens.  243 

Athens  burned.  The  citadel  taken  and  fired. 

adel,  and  there  he  had  engines  constructed  to 
throw  enormous  arrows,  on  which  tow  that  had 
been  dipped  in  pitch  was  wound.  This  combus- 
tible envelopment  of  the  arrows  was  set  on  fire 
before  the  weapon  was  discharged,  and  a  shower 
of  the  burning  missiles  thus  formed  was  directed 
toward  the  palisade.  The  wooden  walls  were 
soon  set  on  fire  by  them,  and  totally  consumed. 
The  access  to  the  Acropolis  was,  however,  still 
difficult,  being  by  a  steep  acclivity,  up  which  it 
was  very  dangerous  to  ascend  so  long  as  the  be- 
siegers were  ready  to  roll  down  rocks  upon  their 
assailants  from  above. 

At  last,  however,  after  a  long  conflict  and 
much  slaughter,  Xerxes  succeeded  in  forcing 
his  way  into  the  citadel.  Some  of  his  troops 
contrived  to  find  a  path  by  which  they  could 
climb  up  to  the  walls.  Here,  after  a  desperate 
combat  with  those  who  were  stationed  to  guard 
the  place,  they  succeeded  in  gaining  admission, 
and  then  opened  the  gates  to  their  comrades  be- 
low. The  Persian  soldiers,  exasperated  with 
the  resistance  which  they  had  encountered,  slew 
the  soldiers  of  the  garrison,  perpetrated  every 
imaginable  violence  on  the  wretched  inhabit- 
ants who  had  fled  there  for  shelter,  and  then 
plundered  the  citadel  and  set  it  on  fire. 


244  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Exultation  of  Xerxes.  Messenger  sent  to  Susa. 

The  heart  of  Xerxes  was  filled  with  exulta- 
tion and  joy  as  he  thus  arrived  at  the  attain- 
ment of  what  had  been  the  chief  and  prominent 
object  of  his  campaign.  To  plunder  and  destroy 
the  city  of  Athens  had  been  the  great  pleasure 
that  he  had  promised  himself  in  all  the  mighty 
preparations  that  he  had  made.  This  result 
was  now  realized,  and  he  dispatched  a  special 
messenger  immediately  to  Susa  with  the  tri- 
umphant tidings. 


B.C. 480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  245 


Situation  of  Salamis.  Movements  of  the  fleet  and  the  army. 


Chapter   XL 

The  Battle  of  Salamis. 

OALAMIS  is  an  island  of  a  very  irregular 
^  form,  lying  in  the  Saronian  Gulf,  north  of 
Egina,  and  to  the  westward  of  Athens.  What 
was  called  the  Port  of  Athens  was  on  the  shore 
opposite  to  Salamis,  the  city  itself  being  situa- 
ted on  elevated  land  four  or  five  miles  back  from 
the  sea.  From  this  port  to  the  bay  on  the  south- 
ern side  of  Salamis,  where  the  Greek  fleet  was 
lying,  it  was  only  four  or  five  miles  more,  so 
that,  when  Xerxes  burned  the  city,  the  people 
on  board  the  galleys  in  the  fleet  might  easily 
see  the  smoke  of  the  conflagration. 

The  Isthmus  of  Corinth  was  west  of  Salamis, 
some  fifteen  miles,  across  the  bay.  The  army, 
in  retreating  from  Athens  toward  the  isthmus, 
would  have  necessarily  to  pass  round  the  bay 
in  a  course  somewhat  circuitous,  while  the 
fleet,  in  following  them,  would  pass  in  a  direct 
line  across  it.  The  geographical  relations  of 
these  places,  a  knowledge  of  which  is  necessary 
to  a  full  understanding  of  the  operations  of  the 


246  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Policy  of  the  Greeks.  Reasons  for  retreating  to  Salamis. 


Greek  and  Persian  forces,  will  be  distinctly  seen 
by  comparing  the  above  description  with  the 
map  placed  at  the  commencement  of  the  fifth 
chapter. 

It  had  been  the  policy  of  the  Greeks  to  keep 
the  fleet  and  army  as  much  as  possible  together, 
and  thus,  during  the  time  in  which  the  troops 
were  attempting  a  concentration  at  Thermopy- 
lae, the  ships  made  their  rendezvous  in  the  Ar- 
temisian  Strait  or  Channel,  directly  opposite  to 
that  point  of  the  coast.  There  they  fought, 
maintaining  their  position  desperately,  day  after 
day,  as  long  as  Leonidas  and  his  Spartans  held 
their  ground  on  the  shore.  Their  sudden  disap- 
pearance from  those  waters,  by  which  the  Per- 
sians had  been  so  much  surprised,  was  caused 
by  their  having  received  intelligence  that  the 
pass  had  been  carried  and  Leonidas  destroyed. 
They  knew  then  that  Athens  would  be  the  next 
point  of  resistance  by  the  land  forces.  They 
therefore  fell  back  to  Salamis,  or,  rather,  to  the 
bay  lying  between  Salamis  and  the  Athenian 
shore,  that  being  the  nearest  position  that  they 
could  take  to  support  the  operations  of  the  army 
in  their  attempts  to  defend  the  capital.  When, 
however,  the  tidings  came  to  them  that  Athens 
had  fallen,  and  that  what  remained  of  the  army 


B.C. 480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  247 

A  council  of  war.  Consultations  and  debates. 

had  retreated  to  the  isthmus,  the  question  at 
once  arose  whether  the  fleet  should  retreat  too, 
across  the  bay,  to  the  isthmus  shore,  with  a  view 
to  co-operate  more  fully  with  the  army  in  the 
new  position  which  the  latter  had  taken,  or 
whether  it  should  remain  where  it  was,  and  de- 
fend itself  as  it  best  could  against  the  Persian 
squadrons  which  would  soon  be  drawing  near. 
The  commanders  of  the  fleet  held  a  consulta- 
tion to  consider  this  question. 

In  this  consultation  the  Athenian  and  the  Co- 
rinthian leaders  took  different  views.  In  fact, 
they  were  very  near  coming  into  open  collision. 
Such  a  difference  of  opinion,  considering  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case,  was  not  at  all  surpris- 
ing. It  might,  indeed,  have  naturally  been  ex- 
pected to  arise,  from  the  relative  situation  of  the 
two  cities,  in  respect  to  the  danger  which  threat- 
ened them.  If  the  Greek  fleet  were  to  withdraw 
from  Salamis  to  the  isthmus,  it  might  be  in  a 
better  position  to  defend  Corinth,  but  it  would, 
by  such  a  movement,  be  withdrawing  from  the 
Athenian  territories,  and  abandoning  what  re- 
mained in  Attica  wholly  to  the  conqueror.  The 
Athenians  were,  therefore,  in  favor  of  main- 
taining the  position  at  Salamis,  while  the  Co- 
rinthians were  disposed  to  retire  to  the  shores 


248  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Conflicting  views.  The  council  breaks  up  in  confusion. 

of  the  isthmus,  and  co-operate  with  the  army- 
there. 

The  council  was  convened  to  deliberate  on 
this  subject  before  the  news  arrived  of  the  act- 
ual fall  of  Athens,  although,  inasmuch  as  the 
Persians  were  advancing  into  Attica  in  im- 
mense numbers,  and. there  was  no  Greek  force 
left  to  defend  the  city,  they  considered  its  fall 
as  all  but  inevitable.  The  tidings  of  the  cap- 
ture and  destruction  of  Athens  came  while  the 
council  was  in  session.  This  seemed  to  determ- 
ine the  question.  The  Corinthian  commanders, 
and  those  from  the  other  Peloponnesian  cities, 
declared  that  it  was  perfectly  absurd  to  remain 
any  longer  at  Salamis,  in  a  vain  attempt  to  de- 
fend a  country  already  conquered.  The  coun- 
cil was  broken  up  in  confusion,  each  command- 
er retiring  to  his  own  ship,  and  the  Peloponne- 
sians  resolving  to  withdraw  on  the  following 
morning.  Eurybiades,  who,  it  will  be  recollect- 
ed, was  the  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  Greek 
fleet,  finding  thus  that  it  was  impossible  any  lon- 
ger to  keep  the  ships  together  at  Salamis,  since 
a  part  of  them  would,  at  all  events,  withdraw, 
concluded  to  yield  to  the  necessity  of  the  case, 
and  to  conduct  the  whole  fleet  to  the  isthmus. 
He  issued  his  orders  accordingly,  and  the  sev- 


B.C. 480.]    Battle  of  Salamis.  249 

Themistocles.  Interview  with  Mnesiphilus. 

eral  commanders  repaired  to  their  respective 
ships  to  make  the  preparations.  It  was  night 
when  the  council  was  dismissed,  and  the  fleet 
was  to  move  in  the  morning. 

One  of  the  most  influential  and  distinguished 
of  the  Athenian  officers  was  a  general  named 
Themistocles.  Very  soon  after  he  had  return- 
ed to  his  ship  from  this  council,  he  was  visited 
by  another  Athenian  named  Mnesiphilus,  who, 
uneasy  and  anxious  in  the  momentous  crisis,  had 
come  in  his  boat,  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  to 
Themistocles's  ship,  to  converse  with  him  on  the 
plans  of  the  morrow.  Mnesiphilus  asked  The- 
mistocles what  was  the  decision  of  the  council. 

"  To  abandon  Salamis,"  said  Themistocles, 
"  and  retire  to  the  isthmus." 

"  Then,"  said  Mnesiphilus,  "  we  shall  never 
have  an  opportunity  to  meet  the  enemy.  I  am 
sure  that  if  we  leave  this  position  the  fleet  will 
be  wholly  broken  up,  and  that  each  portion  will 
go,  under  its  own  commander,  to  defend  its  own 
state  or  seek  its  own  safety,  independently  of 
the  rest.  We  shall  never  be  able  to  concen- 
trate our  forces  again.  The  result  will  be  the 
inevitable  dissolution  of  the  fleet  as  a  combined 
and  allied  force,  in  spite  of  all  that  Eurybiades 
or  any  one  else  can  do  to  prevent  it." 


250  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Themistocles  seeks  Eurybiades.  Urges  a  new  council. 

Mnesiphilus  urged  this  danger  with  so  much 
earnestness  and  eloquence  as  to  make  a  very 
considerable  impression  on  the  mind  of  Themis- 
tocles. Themistocles  said  nothing,  but  his  coun- 
tenance indicated  that  he  was  very  strongly  in- 
clined to  adopt  Mnesiphilus's  views.  Mnesiph- 
ilus urged  him  to  go  immediately  to  Eurybia- 
des, and  endeavor  to  induce  him  to  obtain  a  re- 
versal of  the  decision  of  the  council.  Themis- 
tocles, without  expressing  either  assent  or  dis- 
sent, took  his  boat,  and  ordered  the  oarsmen  to 
row  him  to  the  galley  of  Eurybiades.  Mne- 
siphilus, having  so  far  accomplished  his  object, 
went  away. 

Themistocles  came  in  his  boat  to  the  side  of 
Eurybiades's  galley.  He  said  that  he  wished 
to  speak  with  the  general  on  a  subject  of  great 
importance.  Eurybiades,  when  this  was  re- 
ported to  him,  sent  to  invite  Themistocles  to 
come  on  board.  Themistocles  did  so,  and  he 
urged  upon  the  general  the  same  arguments  that 
Mnesiphilus  had  pressed  upon  him,  namely,  that 
if  the  fleet  were  once  to  move  from  their  actual 
position,  the  different  squadrons  would  inevita- 
bly separate,  and  could  never  be  assembled 
again.  He  urged  Eurybiades,  therefore,  very 
strenuously  to  call  a  new  council,  with  a  view 


B.C. 480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  251 

The  council  convened  again.  Themistocles  rebuked 

of  reversing  the  decision  that  had  been  made  to 
retire,  and  of  resolving  instead  to  give  battle  to 
the  Persians  at  Salamis. 

Eurybiades  was  persuaded,  and  immediately 
took  measures  for  convening  the  council  again. 
The  summons,  sent  around  thus  at  midnight, 
calling  upon  the  principal  officers  of  the  fleet  to 
repair  again  in  haste  to  the  commander's  galley, 
when  they  had  only  a  short  time  before  been 
dismissed  from  it,  produced  great  excitement. 
The  Corinthians,  who  had  been  in  favor  of  the 
plan  of  abandoning  Salamis,  conjectured  that 
the  design  might  be  to  endeavor  to  reverse  that 
decision,  and  they  came  to  the  council  determ- 
ined to  resist  any  such  attempt,  if  one  should 
be  made. 

When  the  officers  had  arrived,  Themistocles 
began  immediately  to  open  the  discussion,  be- 
fore, in  fact,  Eurybiades  had  stated  why  he  had 
called  them  together.  A  Corinthian  officer  in- 
terrupted and  rebuked  him  for  presuming  to 
speak  before  his  time.  Themistocles  retorted 
upon  the  Corinthian,  and  continued  his  ha- 
rangue. He  urged  the  council  to  review  their 
former  decision,  and  to  determine,  after  all,  to 
remain  at  Salamis.  He,  however,  now  used 
different  arguments  from  those  which  he  had 


252  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Themistocles's  arguments  for  remaining  at  Salamis. 

employed  when  speaking  to  Eurybiades  alone; 
for  to  have  directly  charged  the  officers  them- 
selves with  the  design  of  which  he  had  accused 
them  to  Eurybiades,  namely,  that  of  abandon- 
ing their  allies,  and  retiring  with  their  respect- 
ive ships,  each  to  his  own  coast,  in  case  the  po- 
sition at  Salamis  were  to  be  given  up,  would 
only  incense  them,  and  arouse  a  hostility  which 
would  determine  them  against  any  thing  that 
he  might  propose. 

He  therefore  urged  the  expediency  of  remain- 
ing at  Salamis  on  other  grounds.  Salamis  was 
a  much  more  advantageous  position,  he  said, 
than  the  coast  of  the  isthmus,  for  a  small  fleet 
to  occupy  in  awaiting  an  attack  from  a  large 
one.  At  Salamis  they  were  defended  in  part 
by  the  projections  of  the  land,  which  protected 
their  flanks,  and  prevented  their  being  assailed, 
except  in  front,  and  their  front  they  might  make 
a  very  narrow  one.  At  the  isthmus,  on  the  con- 
trary, there  was  a  long,  unvaried,  and  unshelter- 
ed coast,  with  no  salient  points  to  give  strength 
or  protection  to  their  position  there.  They  could 
not  expect  to  derive  serious  advantage  from  any 
degree  of  co-operation  with  the  army  on  the  land 
which  would  be  practicable  at  the  isthmus,  while 
their  situation  at  sea  there  would  be  far  more  ex- 


B.C.480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  253 

Fugitives  at  Salamis.  Views  of  the  Corinthians. 

posed  and  dangerous  than  where  they  then  were. 
Besides,  many  thousands  of  the  people  had  fled 
to  Salamis  for  refuge  and  protection,  and  the 
fleet,  by  leaving  its  present  position,  would  be 
guilty  of  basely  abandoning  them  all  to  hopeless 
destruction,  without  even  making  an  effort  to 
save  them. 

This  last  was,  in  fact,  the  great  reason  why 
the  Athenians  were  so  unwilling  to  abandon 
Salamis.  The  unhappy  fugitives  with  which 
the  island  was  thronged  were  their  wives  and 
children,  and  they  were  extremely  unwilling  to 
go  away  and  leave  them  to  so  cruel  a  fate  as 
they  knew  would  await  them  if  the  fleet  were 
to  be  withdrawn.  The  Corinthians,  on  the  oth- 
er hand,  considered  Athens  as  already  lost,  and 
it  seemed  madness  to  them  to  linger  uselessly 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  ruin  which  had  been  made, 
while  there  were  other  states  and  cities  in  other 
quarters  of  Greece  yet  to  be  saved.  The  Co- 
rinthian speaker  who  had  rebuked  Themistocles 
at  first,  interrupted  him  again,  angrily,  before 
he  finished  his  appeal. 

"  You  have  no  right  to  speak,"  said  he.  "  You 
have  no  longer  a  country.  When  you  cease  to 
represent  a  power,  you  have  no  right  to  take  a 
part  in  our  councils." 


254  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Excitement  in  the  council.  Indignation  of  Themistocles. 

This  cruel  retort  aroused  in  the  mind  of  The- 
mistocles a  strong  feeling  of  indignation  and  an- 
ger against  the  Corinthian.  He  loaded  his  op- 
ponent, in  return,  with  bitter  reproaches,  and 
said,  in  conclusion,  that  as  long  as  the  Atheni- 
ans had  two  hundred  ships  in  the  fleet,  they  had 
still  a  country — one,  too,  of  sufficient  import- 
ance to  the  general  defense  to  give  them  a  much 
better  title  to  be  heard  in  the  common  consul- 
tations than  any  Corinthian  could  presume  to 
claim. 

Then  turning  to  Eurybiades  again,  Themis- 
tocles implored  him  to  remain  at  Salamis,  and 
give  battle  to  the  Persians  there,  as  that  was, 
he  said,  the  only  course  by  which  any  hope  re- 
mained to  them  of  the  salvation  of  Greece.  He 
declared  that  the  Athenian  part  of  the  fleet 
would  never  go  to  the  isthmus.  If  the  others 
decided  on  going  there,  they,  the  Athenians, 
would  gather  all  the  fugitives  they  could  from 
the  island  of  Salamis  and  from  the  coasts  of  At- 
tica, and  make  the  best  of  their  way  to  Italy, 
where  there  was  a  territory  to  which  they  had 
some  claim,  and,  abandoning  Greece  forever, 
they  would  found  a  new  kingdom  there. 

Eurybiades,  the  commander-in-chief,  if  he 
was  not  convinced  by  the  arguments  that  The- 


B.C. 480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  255 

Eurybiades  decides  to  remain  at  Salamis.  An  earthquake. 

mistocles  had  offered,  was  alarmed  at  his  decla- 
ration that  the  Athenian  ships  would  abandon 
the  cause  of  the  Greeks  if  the  fleet  abandoned 
Salamis ;  he  accordingly  gave  his  voice  very  de- 
cidedly for  remaining  where  they  were.  The 
rest  of  the  officers  finally  acquiesced  in  this  de- 
cision, and  the  council  broke  up,  the  various 
members  of  it  returning  each  to  his  own  com- 
mand. It  was  now  nearly  morning.  The  whole 
fleet  had  been,  necessarily,  during  the  night  in 
a  state  of  great  excitement  and  suspense,  all 
anxious  to  learn  the  result  of  these  deliberations. 
The  awe  and  solemnity  which  would,  of  course, 
pervade  the  minds  of  men  at  midnight,  while 
such  momentous  questions  were  pending,  were 
changed  to  an  appalling  sense  of  terror,  toward 
the  dawn,  by  an  earthquake  which  then  took 
place,  and  which,  as  is  usually  the  case  with 
such  convulsions,  not  only  shook  the  land,  but 
was  felt  by  vessels  on  the  sea.  The  men  con- 
sidered this  phenomenon  as  a  solemn  warning 
from  heaven,  and  measures  were  immediately 
adopted  for  appeasing,  by  certain  special  sacri- 
fices and  ceremonies,  the  divine  displeasure 
which  the  shock  seemed  to  portend. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Persian  fleet,  which  we 
left,  it  will  be  recollected,  in  the  channels  be- 


256  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Advance  of  the  Persians.  Perilous  situation  of  the  Greeks. 

tween  Euboea  and  the  main  land,  near  to  Ther- 
mopylae, had  advanced  when  they  found  that  the 
Greeks  had  left  those  waters,  and,  following 
their  enemies  to  the  southward  through  the 
channel  called  the  Euripus,  had  doubled  the 
promontory  called  Sunium,  which  is  the  south- 
ern promontory  of  Attica,  and  then,  moving 
northward  again  along  the  western  coast  of  At- 
tica, had  approached  Phalerum,  which  was  not 
far  from  Salamis.  Xerxes,  having  concluded 
his  operations  at  Athens,  advanced  to  the  same 
point  by  land. 

The  final  and  complete  success  of  the  Per- 
sian expedition  seemed  now  almost  sure.  All 
the  country  north  of  the  peninsula  had  fallen. 
The  Greek  army  had  retreated  to  the  isthmus, 
having  been  driven  from  every  other  post,  and 
its  last  forlorn  hope  of  being  able  to  resist  the 
advance  of  its  victorious  enemies  was  depend- 
ing there.  And  the  commanders  of  the  Persian 
fleet,  having  driven  the  Greek  squadrons  in  the 
same  manner  from  strait  to  strait  and  from  sea 
to  sea,  saw  the  discomfited  galleys  drawn  up,  in 
apparently  their  last  place  of  refuge,  in  the  Bay 
of  Salamis,  and  only  waiting  to  be  captured  and 
destroyed. 

In  a  word,  every  thing  seemed  ready  for  the 


B.C. 480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  257 

Xerxes  summons  a  council  of  war.  Pompous  preparations. 

decisive  and  final  blow,  and  Xerxes  summoned 
a  grand  council  of  war  on  board  one  of  the  ves- 
sels of  the  fleet  as  soon  as  he  arrived  at  Phale- 
rum,  to  decide  upon  the  time  and  manner  of 
striking  it. 

The  convening  of  this  council  was  arranged, 
and  the  deliberations  themselves  conducted, 
with  great  parade  and  ceremony.  The  princes 
of  the  various  nations  represented  in  the  army 
and  in  the  fleet,  and  the  leading  Persian  officers 
and  nobles,  were  summoned  to  attend  it.  It 
was  held  on  board  one  of  the  principal  galleys, 
where  great  preparations  had  been  made  for  re- 
ceiving so  august  an  assemblage.  A  throne  was 
provided  for  the  king,  and  seats  for  the  various 
commanders  according  to  their  respective  ranks, 
and  a  conspicuous  place  was  assigned  to  Arte- 
misia, the  Carian  queen,  who,  the  reader  will 
perhaps  recollect,  was  described  as  one  of  the 
prominent  naval  commanders,  in  the  account 
given  of  the  great  review  at  Doriscus.  Mardo- 
nius  appeared  at  the  council  as  the  king's  rep- 
resentative and  the  conductor  of  the  delibera- 
tions, there  being  required,  according  to  the 
parliamentary  etiquette  of  those  days,  in  such 
royal  councils  as  these,  a  sort  of  mediator,  to 
stand  between  the  king  and  his  counselors,  as 
R 


258  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Views  of  the  Persian  officers.  Views  of  Queen  Artemisia. 

if  the  monarch  himself  was  on  too  sublime  an 
elevation  of  dignity  and  grandeur  to  be  directly- 
addressed  even  by  princes  and  nobles. 

Accordingly,  when  the  council  was  convened 
and  the  time  arrived  for  opening  the  delibera- 
tions, the  king  directed  Mardonius  to  call  upon 
the  commanders  present,  one  by  one,  for  their 
sentiments  on  the  question  whether  it  were  ad- 
visable or  not  to  attack  the  Greek  fleet  at  Sala- 
mis.  Mardonius  did  so.  They  all  advised  that 
the  attack  should  be  made,  urging  severally  va- 
rious considerations  to  enforce  their  opinions, 
and  all  evincing  a  great  deal  of  zeal  and  ardor 
in  the  cause,  and  an  impatient  desire  that  the 
great  final  conflict  should  come  on. 

When,  however,  it  came  to  Artemisia's  turn 
to  speak,  it  appeared  that  she  was  of  a  different 
sentiment  from  the  rest.  She  commenced  her 
speech  with  something  like  an  apology  for  pre- 
suming to  give  the  king  her  council.  She  said 
that,  notwithstanding  her  sex,  she  had  perform- 
ed her  part,  with  other  commanders,  in  the  bat- 
tles which  had  already  occurred,  and  that  she 
was,  perhaps,  entitled  accordingly,  in  the  con- 
sultations which  were  held,  to  express  her  opin- 
ion. "  Say,  then,  to  the  king,"  she  continued, 
addressing  Mardonius,  as  all  the  others  had  done, 


B.C. 480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  259 

Artemisia's  arguments  against  attacking  the  Greek  fleet. 

"  that  my  judgment  is,  that  we  should  not  at- 
tack the  Greek  fleet  at  Salamis,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, that  we  should  avoid  a  battle.  It  seems 
to  me  that  we  have  nothing  to  gain,  but  should 
put  a  great  deal  at  hazard  by  a  general  naval 
conflict  at  the  present  time.  The  truth  is,  that 
the  Greeks,  always  terrible  as  combatants,  are 
rendered  desperate  now  by  the  straits  to  which 
they  are  reduced  and  the  losses  that  they  have 
sustained.  The  seamen  of  our  fleet  are  as  in- 
ferior to  them  in  strength  and  courage  as  wom- 
en are  to  men.  I  am  sure  that  it  will  be  a  very 
dangerous  thing  to  encounter  them  in  their  pres- 
ent chafed  and  irritated  temper.  Whatever  oth- 
ers may  think,  I  myself  should  not  dare  to  an- 
swer for  the  result. 

"  Besides,  situated  as  they  are,"  continued 
Artemisia,  "  a  battle  is  what  they  must  most 
desire,  and,  of  course,  it  is  adverse  to  our  interest 
to  accord  it  to  them.  I  have  ascertained  that 
they  have  but  a  small  supply  of  food,  either  in 
their  fleet  or  upon  the  island  of  Salamis,  while 
they  have,  besides  their  troops,  a  great  multi- 
tude of  destitute  and  helpless  fugitives  to  be  fed. 
If  we  simply  leave  them  to  themselves  under  the 
blockade  in  which  our  position  here  now  places 
them,  they  will  soon  be  reduced  to  great  dis- 


260  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Effect  of  Artemisia's  speech.  Feelings  of  the  council. 

tress.  Or,  if  we  withdraw  from  them,  and  pro- 
ceed at  once  to  the  Peloponnesus,  to  co-operate 
with  the  army  there,  we  shall  avoid  all  the  risk 
of  a  battle,  and  I  am  sure  that  the  Greek  fleet 
will  never  dare  to  follow  or  to  molest  us." 

The  several  members  of  the  council  listened 
to  this  unexpected  address  of  Artemisia  with 
great  attention  and  interest,  but  with  very  dif- 
ferent feelings.  She  had  many  friends  among 
the  counselors,  and  they  were  anxious  and  un- 
easy at  hearing  her  speak  in  this  manner,  for 
they  knew  very  well  that  it  was  the  king's  de- 
cided intention  that  a  battle  should  be  fought, 
and  they  feared  that,  by  this  bold  and  strenu- 
ous opposition  to  it,  Artemisia  would  incur  the 
mighty  monarch's  displeasure.  There  were 
others  who  were  jealous  of  the  influence  which 
Artemisia  enjoyed,  and  envious  of  the  favor 
with  which  they  knew  that  Xerxes  regarded  her. 
These  men  were  secretly  pleased  to  hear  her  ut- 
tering sentiments  by  which  they  confidently 
believed  that  she  would  excite  the  anger  of  the 
king,  and  wholly  lose  her  advantageous  position. 
Both  the  hopes  and  the  fears,  however,  enter- 
tained respectively  by  the  queen's  enemies  and 
friends,  proved  altogether  groundless.  Xerxes 
was  not  displeased.     On  the  contrary,  he  ap- 


B.C. 480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  261 

Discontent  among  the  Greeks.  Sicinnus. 

plauded  Artemisia's  ingenuity  and  eloquence  in 
the  highest  terms,  though  he  said,  nevertheless, 
that  he  would  follow  the  advice  of  the  other  coun- 
selors. He  dismissed  the  assembly,  and  gave 
orders  to  prepare  for  battle. 

In  the  mean  time  a  day  or  two  had  passed 
away,  and  the  Greeks,  who  had  been  originally 
very  little  inclined  to  acquiesce  in  the  decision 
which  Eurybiades  had  made,  under  the  influ- 
ence of  Themistocles,  to  remain  at  Salamis  and 
give  the  Persians  battle,  became  more  and  more 
dissatisfied  and  uneasy  as  the  great  crisis  drew 
nigh.  In  fact,  the  discontent  and  disaffection 
which  appeared  in  certain  portions  of  the  fleet 
became  so  decided  and  so  open,  that  Themisto- 
cles feared  that  some  of  the  commanders  would 
actually  revolt,  and  go  away  with  their  squad- 
rons in  a  body,  in  defiance  of  the  general  decis- 
ion to  remain.  To  prevent  such  a  desertion  as 
this,  he  contrived  the  following  very  desperate 
stratagem. 

He  had  a  slave  in  his  family  named  Sicin- 
nus, who  was  an  intelligent  and  educated  man, 
though  a  slave.  In  fact,  he  was  the  teacher  of 
Themistocles's  children.  Instances  of  this  kind, 
in  which  slaves  were  refined  and  cultivated  men, 
were  not  uncommon  in  ancient  times,  as  slaves 


262  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Bold  stratagem  of  Themistocles.  He  sends  Sicinnus  to  the  Persians. 

were,  in  many  instances,  captives  taken  in  war, 
who  before  their  captivity  had  occupied  as  high 
social  positions  as  their  masters.  Themistocles 
determined  to  send  Sicinnus  to  the  Persian  fleet 
with  a  message  from  him,  which  should  induce 
the  Persians  themselves  to  take  measures  to  pre- 
vent the  dispersion  of  the  Greek  fleet.  Having 
given  the  slave,  therefore,  his  secret  instructions, 
he  put  him  into  a  boat  when  night  came  on,  with 
oarsmen  who  were  directed  to  row  him  wherever 
he  should  require  them  to  go.  The  boat  pushed 
off  stealthily  from  Themistocles's  galley,  and, 
taking  care  to  keep  clear  of  the  Greek  ships 
which  lay  at  anchor  near  them,  went  southward 
toward  the  Persian  fleet.  When  the  boat  reach- 
ed the  Persian  galleys,  Sicinnus  asked  to  see  the 
commander,  and,  on  being  admitted  to  an  inter- 
view with  him,  he  informed  him  that  he  came 
from  Themistocles,  who  was  the  leader,  he  said, 
of  the  Athenian  portion  of  the  Greek  fleet. 

"I  am  charged,"  he  added,  "to  say  to  you 
from  Themistocles  that  he  considers  the  cause 
of  the  Greeks  as  wholly  lost,  and  he  is  now,  ac- 
cordingly, desirous  himself  of  coming  over  to  the 
Persian  side.  This,  however,  he  can  not  actu- 
ally and  openly  do,  on  account  of  the  situation 
in  which  he  is  placed  in  vespect  to  the  rest  of 


B.C. 480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  263 

Message  of  Themistocles.  Measures  of  the  Persians. 

the  fleet.  He  has,  however,  sent  me  to  inform 
you  that  the  Greek  fleet  is  in  a  very  disordered 
and  helpless  condition,  being  distracted  by  the 
dissensions  of  the  commanders,  and  the  general 
discouragement  and  despair  of  the  men ;  that 
some  divisions  are  secretly  intending  to  make 
their  escape ;  and  that,  if  you  can  prevent  this 
by  surrounding  them,  or  by  taking  such  posi- 
tions as  to  intercept  any  who  may  attempt  to 
withdraw,  the  whole  squadron  will  inevitably 
fall  into  your  hands." 

Having  made  this  communication,  Sicinnus 
went  on  board  his  boat  again,  and  returned  to 
the  Greek  fleet  as  secretly  and  stealthily  as  he 
came. 

The  Persians  immediately  determined  to  re- 
sort to  the  measures  which  Themistocles  had 
recommended  to  prevent  the  escape  of  any  part 
of  the  Greek  fleet.  There  was  a  small  island 
between  Salamis  and  the  coast  of  Attica,  that 
is,  on  the  eastern  side  of  Salamis,  called  Psyt- 
talia,  which  was  in  such  a  position  as  to  com- 
mand, in  a  great  measure,  the  channel  of  water 
between  Salamis  and  the  main  land  on  this  side. 
The  Persians  sent  forward  a  detachment  of  gal- 
leys to  take  possession  of  this  island  in  the  night. 
By  this  means  they  hoped  to  prevent  the  escape 


264  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

The  Persians  take  possession  of  the  Psyttalia.    The  Greeks  hemmed  in. 

of  any  part  of  the  Greek  squadron  in  that  di- 
rection. Besides,  they  foresaw  that  in  the  ap- 
proaching battle  the  principal  scene  of  the  con- 
flict must  be  in  that  vicinity,  and  that,  conse- 
quently, the  island  would  become  the  great  re- 
sort of  the  disabled  ships  and  the  wounded  men, 
since  they  would  naturally  seek  refuge  on  the 
nearest  land.  To  preoccupy  this  ground,  there- 
fore, seemed  an  important  step.  It  would  ena- 
ble them,  when  the  terrible  conflict  should  come 
on,  to  drive  back  any  wretched  refugees  who 
might  attempt  to  escape  from  destruction  by 
seeking  the  shore. 

By  taking  possession  of  this  island,  and  sta- 
tioning galleys  in  the  vicinity  of  it,  all  which 
was  done  secretly  in  the  night,  the  Persians  cut 
off  all  possibility  of  escape  for  the  Greeks  in  that 
direction.  At  the  same  time,  they  sent  another 
considerable  detachment  of  their  fleet  to  the 
westward,  which  was  the  direction  toward  the 
isthmus,  ordering  the  galleys  thus  sent  to  sta- 
tion themselves  in  such  a  manner  as  to  prevent 
any  portion  of  the  Greek  fleet  from  going  round 
the  island  of  Salamis,  and  making  their  escape 
through  the  northwestern  channel.  By  this 
means  the  Greek  fleet  was  environed  on  every 
side — hemmed  in,  though  they  were  not  aware 


B.C. 480.1   Battle  of  Salamis.  265 


Aristides.  He  makes  hi3  way  through  the  Persian  fleet. 

of  it,  in  such  a  way  as  to  defeat  any  attempt 
which  any  division  might  make  to  retire  from 
the  scene. 

The  first  intelligence  which  the  Greeks  re- 
ceived of  their  being  thus  surrounded  was  from 
an  Athenian  general  named  Aristides,  who  came 
one  night  from  the  island  of  ^Egina  to  the  Greek 
fleet,  making  his  way  with  great  difficulty 
through  the  lines  of  Persian  galleys.  Aristides 
had  been,  in  the  political  conflicts  which  had 
taken  place  in  former  years  at  Athens,  Themis- 
tocles's  great  rival  and  enemy.  He  had  been 
defeated  in  the  contests  which  had  taken  place, 
and  had  been  banished  from  Athens.  He  now, 
however,  made  his  way  through  the  enemy's 
lines,  incurring,  in  doing  it,  extreme  difficulty 
and  danger,  in  order  to  inform  his  countrymen 
of  their  peril,  and  to  assist,  if  possible,  in  saving 
them. 

When  he  reached  the  Greek  fleet,  the  com- 
manders were  in  council,  agitating,  in  angry 
and  incriminating  debates,  the  perpetually  re- 
curring question  whether  they  should  retire  to 
the  isthmus,  or  remain  where  they  were.  Ar- 
istides called  Themistocles  out  of  the  council. 
Themistocles  was  very  much  surprised  at  see- 
ing his  ancient  enemy  thus  unexpectedly  ap- 


266  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Interview  between  Aristides  and  Themistocles.  Their  conversation. 

pear.  Aristides  introduced  the  conversation  by- 
saying  that  he  thought  that  at  such  a  crisis  they 
ought  to  lay  aside  every  private  animosity,  and 
only  emulate  each  other  in  the  efforts  and  sac- 
rifices which  they  could  respectively  make  to 
defend  their  country ;  that  he  had,  accordingly, 
come  from  ^Egina  to  join  the  fleet,  with  a  view 
of  rendering  any  aid  that  it  might  be  in  his  pow- 
er to  afford ;  that  it  was  now  wholly  useless  to 
debate  the  question  of  retiring  to  the  isthmus, 
for  such  a  movement  was  no  longer  possible. 
"  The  fleet  is  surrounded,"  said  he.  "  The  Per- 
sian galleys  are  stationed  on  every  side.  It  was 
with  the  utmost  difficulty  that  I  could  make  my 
way  through  the  lines.  Even  if  the  whole  as- 
sembly, and  Eurybiades  himself,  were  resolved 
on  withdrawing  to  the  isthmus,  the  thing  could 
not  now  be  done.  Return,  therefore,  and  tell 
them  this,  and  say  that  to  defend  themselves 
where  they  are  is  the  only  alternative  that  now 
remains." 

In  reply  to  this  communication,  Themistocles 
said  that  nothing  could  give  him  greater  pleas- 
ure than  to  learn  what  Aristides  had  stated. 
"  The  movement  which  the  Persians  have 
made,"  he  said,  "  was  in  consequence  of  a  com- 
munication which  I  myself  sent  to  them.     I  sent 


B.C.  480.]  Battle  of  Sal  amis.  267 

Aristides  communicates  his  intelligence  to  the  assembly. 

it,  in  order  that  some  of  our  Greeks,  who  seem 
so  very  reluctant  to  fight,  might  be  compelled  to 
do  so.  But  you  must  come  yourself  into  the  as- 
sembly," he  added,  "  and  make  your  statement 
directly  to  the  commanders.  They  will  not  be- 
lieve it  if  they  hear  it  from  me.  Come  in,  and 
state  what  you  have  seen." 

Aristides  accordingly  entered  the  assembly, 
and  informed  the  officers  who  were  convened 
that  to  retire  from  their  present  position  was  no 
longer  possible,  since  the  sea  to  the  west  was 
fully  guarded  by  lines  of  Persian  ships,  which 
had  been  stationed  there  to  intercept  them.  He 
had  just  come  in  himself,  he  said,  from  iEgina, 
and  had  found  great  difficulty  in  passing  through 
the  lines,  though  he  had  only  a  single  small  boat, 
and  was  favored  by  the  darkness  of  the  night. 
He  was  convinced  that  the  Greek  fleet  was  en- 
tirely surrounded. 

Having  said  this,  Aristides  withdrew.  Al- 
though he  could  come,  as  a  witness,  to  give  his 
testimony  in  respect  to  facts,  he  was  not  enti- 
tled to  take  any  part  in  the  deliberations. 

The  assembly  was  thrown  into  a  state  of  the 
greatest  possible  excitement  by  the  intelligence 
which  Aristides  had  communicated.  Instead 
of  producing  harmony  among  them,  it  made  the 


268  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Effect  of  Aristides's  intelligence.  Further  news. 

discord  more  violent  and  uncontrollable.  Of 
those  who  had  before  wished  to  retire,  some 
were  now  enraged  that  they  had  not  been  al- 
lowed to  do  so  while  the  opportunity  remained  ; 
others  disbelieved  Aristides's  statements,  and 
were  still  eager  to  go ;  while  the  rest,  confirm- 
ed in  their  previous  determination  to  remain 
where  they  were,  rejoiced  to  find  that  retreat 
was  no  longer  possible.  The  debate  was  con- 
fused and  violent.  It  turned,  in  a  great  meas- 
ure, on  the  degree  of  credibility  to  be  attached 
to  the  account  which  Aristides  had  given  them. 
Many  of  the  assembly  wholly  disbelieved  it.  It 
was  a  stratagem,  they  maintained,  contrived  by 
the  Athenian  party,  and  those  who  wished  to 
remain,  in  order  to  accomplish  their  end  of  keep- 
ing the  fleet  from  changing  its  position. 

The  doubts,  however,  which  the  assembly 
felt  in  respect  to  the  truth  of  Aristides's  tidings 
were  soon  dispelled  by  new  and  incontestable 
evidence ;  for,  while  the  debate  was  going  on,  it 
was  announced  that  a  large  galley — a  trireme, 
as  it  was  called — had  come  in  from  the  Persian 
fleet.  This  galley  proved  to  be  a  Greek  ship 
from  the  island  of  Tenos,  one  which  Xerxes,  in 
prosecution  of  his  plan  of  compelling  those  por- 
tions of  the  Grecian  territories  that  he  had  con- 


B.C. 480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  269 

Adventurous  courage  of  Paraetius.  Gratitude  of  the  Greeks. 

quered,  or  that  had  surrendered  to  him,  to  fur- 
nish forces  to  aid  him  in  subduing  the  rest,  had 
pressed  into  his  service.  The  commander  of 
this  galley,  unwilling  to  take  part  against  his 
countrymen  in  the  conflict,  had  decided  to  de- 
sert the  Persian  fleet  by  taking  advantage  of 
the  night,  and  to  come  over  to  the  Greeks.  The 
name  of  the  commander  of  this  trireme  was  Pa- 
raetius. He  confirmed  fully  all  that  Aristides 
had  said.  He  assured  the  Greeks  that  they 
were  completely  surrounded,  and  that  nothing 
remained  for  them  but  to  prepare,  where  they 
were,  to  meet  the  attack  which  would  certainly 
be  made  upon  them  in  the  morning.  The  ar- 
rival of  this  trireme  was  thus  of  very  essential 
service  to  the  Greeks.  It  put  an  end  to  their 
discordant  debates,  and  united  them,  one  and 
all,  in  the  work  of  making  resolute  preparations 
for  action.  This  vessel  was  also  of  very  essen- 
tial service  in  the  conflict  itself  which  ensued ; 
and  the  Greeks  were  so  grateful  to  Paraetius  and 
to  his  comrades  for  the  adventurous  courage 
which  they  displayed  in  coming  over  under  such 
circumstances,  in  such  a  night,  to  espouse  the 
cause  and  to  share  the  dangers  of  their  country- 
men, that  after  the  battle  they  caused  all  their 
names  to  be  engraved  upon  a  sacred  tripod,  made 


270  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Final  preparations  for  battle.  Friendly  offices. 

in  the  most  costly  manner  for  the  purpose,  and 
then  sent  the  tripod  to  be  deposited  at  the  oracle 
of  Delphi,  where  it  long  remained  a  monument 
of  this  example  of  Delian  patriotism  and  fidelity. 

As  the  morning  approached,  the  preparations 
were  carried  forward  with  ardor  and  energy,  on 
board  both  fleets,  for  the  great  struggle  which 
was  to  ensue.  Plans  were  formed  ;  orders  were 
given ;  arms  were  examined  and  placed  on  the 
decks  of  the  galleys,  where  they  would  be  most 
ready  at  hand.  The  officers  and  soldiers  gave 
mutual  charges  and  instructions  to  each  other 
in  respect  to  the  care  of  their  friends  and  the 
disposal  of  their  effects — charges  and  instruc- 
tions which  each  one  undertook  to  execute  for 
his  friend  in  case  he  should  survive  him.  The 
commanders  endeavored  to  animate  and  encour- 
age their  men  by  cheerful  looks,  and  by  words 
of  confidence  and  encouragement.  They  who 
felt  resolute  and  strong  endeavored  to  inspirit 
the  weak  and  irresolute,  while  those  who  shrank 
from  the  approaching  contest,  and  dreaded  the 
result  of  it,  concealed  their  fears,  and  endeavor- 
ed to  appear  impatient  for  the  battle. 

Xerxes  caused  an  elevated  seat  or  throne  to 
be  prepared  for  himself  on  an  eminence  near 
the  shore,  upon  the  main  land,  in  order  that  he 


B.C. 480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  271 

Xerxes's  throne.  His  scribes.  Summary  punishment. 

might  be  a  personal  witness  of  the  battle.  He 
had  a  guard  and  other  attendants  around  him. 
Among  these  were  a  number  of  scribes  or  sec- 
retaries, who  were  prepared  with  writing  ma- 
terials to  record  the  events  which  might  take 
place,  as  they  occurred,  and  especially  to  regis- 
ter the  names  of  those  whom  Xerxes  should  see 
distinguishing  themselves  by  their  courage  or 
by  their  achievements.  He  justly  supposed  that 
these  arrangements,  the  whole  fleet  being  fully 
informed  in  regard  to  them,  would  animate  the 
several  commanders  with  strong  emulation,  and 
excite  them  to  make  redoubled  exertions  to  per- 
form their  part  well.  The  record  which  was 
thus  to  be  kept,  under  the  personal  supervision 
of  the  sovereign,  was  with  a  view  to  punish- 
ments too,  as  well  as  to  honors  and  rewards; 
and  it  happened  in  many  instances  during  the 
battle  that  ensued,  that  commanders,  who,  after 
losing  their  ships,  escaped  to  the  shore,  were 
brought  up  before  Xerxes's  throne,  and  there  ex- 
piated their  fault  or  their  misfortune,  whichever 
it  might  have  been,  by  being  beheaded  on  the 
spot,  without  mercy.  Some  of  the  officers  thus 
executed  were  Greeks,  brutally  slaughtered  for 
not  being  successful  in  fighting,  by  compulsion, 
against  their  own  countrymen. 


272  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Speech  of  Themistocles.  He  embarks  his  men. 

As  the  dawn  approached,  Themistocles  called 
together  as  many  of  the  Athenian  forces  as  it 
was  possible  to  convene,  assembling  them  at  a 
place  upon  the  shore  of  Salamis  where  he  could 
conveniently  address  them,  and  there  made  a 
speech  to  them,  as  was  customary  with  the 
Greek  commanders  before  going  into  battle. 
He  told  them  that,  in  such  contests  as  that  in 
which  they  were  about  to  engage,  the  result  de- 
pended, not  on  the  relative  numbers  of  the  com- 
batants, but  on  the  resolution  and  activity  which 
they  displayed.  He  reminded  them  of  the  in- 
stances in  which  small  bodies  of  men,  firmly 
banded  together  by  a  strict  discipline,  and  ani- 
mated by  courage  and  energy,  had  overthrown 
enemies  whose  numbers  far  exceeded  their  own. 
The  Persians  were  more  numerous,  he  admit- 
ted, than  they,  but  still  the  Greeks  would  con- 
quer them.  If  they  faithfully  obeyed  their  or- 
ders, and  acted  strictly  and  perseveringly  in  con- 
cert, according  to  the  plans  formed  by  the  com- 
manders, and  displayed  the  usual  courage  and 
resolution  of  Greeks,  he  was  sure  of  victory. 

As  soon  as  Themistocles  had  finished  his 
speech,  he  ordered  his  men  to  embark,  and  the 
fleet  immediately  afterward  formed  itself  in  bat- 
tle array. 


B.C.480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  273 

Excitement  and  confusion.  Commencement  of  the  battle. 

Notwithstanding  the  strictness  of  the  order 
and  discipline  which  generally  prevailed  in 
Greek  armaments  of  every  kind,  there  was 
great  excitement  and  much  confusion  in  the 
fleet  while  making  all  these  preparations,  and 
this  excitement  and  confusion  increased  contin- 
ually as  the  morning  advanced  and  the  hour  for 
the  conflict  drew  nigh.  The  passing  of  boats  to 
and  fro,  the  dashing  of  the  oars,  the  clangor  of 
the  weapons,  the  vociferations  of  orders  by  the 
officers  and  of  responses  by  the  men,  mingled 
with  each  other  in  dreadful  turmoil,  while  all 
the  time  the  vast  squadrons  were  advancing  to- 
ward each  other,  each  party  of  combatants  eager 
to  begin  the  contest.  In  fact,  so  full  of  wild  ex- 
citement was  the  scene,  that  at  length  the  bat- 
tle was  found  to  be  raging  on  every  side,  while 
no  one  knew  or  could  remember  how  it  began. 
Some  said  that  a  ship,  which  had  been  sent  away 
a  short  time  before  to  iEgina  to  obtain  succors, 
was  returning  that  morning,  and  that  she  com- 
menced the  action  as  she  came  through  the  Per- 
sian lines.  Others  said  the  Greek  squadron  ad- 
vanced as  soon  as  they  could  see,  and  attacked 
the  Persians ;  and  there  were  some  whose  im- 
aginations were  so  much  excited  by  the  scene, 
that  they  saw  a  female  form  portrayed  among 
S 


274  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Fury  of  the  conflict.  Modern  naval  battles. 

the  dim  mists  of  the  morning,  that  urged  the 
Greeks  onward  by  beckonings  and  calls.  They 
heard  her  voice,  they  said,  crying  to  them, 
"  Come  on !  come  on  !  this  is  no  time  to  linger 
on  your  oars." 

However  this  may  be,  the  battle  was  soon  fu- 
riously raging  on  every  part  of  the  Bay  of  Sala- 
mis,  exhibiting  a  wide-spread  scene  of  conflict, 
fury,  rage,  despair,  and  death,  such  as  had  then 
been  seldom  witnessed  in  any  naval  conflict,  and 
such  as  human  eyes  can  now  never  look  upon 
again.  In  modern  warfare  the  smoke  of  the 
guns  soon  draws  an  impenetrable  veil  over  the 
scene  of  horror,  and  the  perpetual  thunder  of  the 
artillery  overpowers  the  general  din.  In  a  mod- 
ern battle,  therefore,  none  of  the  real  horrors  of 
the  conflict  can  either  be  heard  or  seen  by  any 
spectator  placed  beyond  the  immediate  scene  of 
it.  The  sights  and  the  sounds  are  alike  buried 
and  concealed  beneath  the  smoke  and  the  noise 
of  the  cannonading.  There  were,  however,  no 
such  causes  in  this  case  to  obstruct  the  observa- 
tions which  Xerxes  was  making  from  his  throne 
on  the  shore.  The  air  was  calm,  the  sky  serene, 
the  water  was  smooth,  and  the  atmosphere  was 
as  transparent  and  clear  at  the  end  of  the  bat- 
tle as  at  the  beginning.     Xerxes  could  discern 


B.C. 480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  275 

Observations  of  Xerxes.  Artemisia. 

every  ship,  and  follow  it  with  his  eye  in  all  its 
motions.  He  could  see  who  advanced  and  who 
retreated.  Out  of  the  hundreds  of  separate  con- 
flicts he  could  choose  any  one,  and  watch  the 
progress  of  it  from  the  commencement  to  the 
termination.  He  could  see  the  combats  on  the 
decks,  the  falling  of  repulsed  assailants  into  the 
water,  the  weapons  broken,  the  wounded  carried 
away,  and  swimmers  struggling  like  insects  on 
the  smooth  surface  of  the  sea.  He  could  see 
the  wrecks,  too,  which  were  drifted  upon  the 
shores,  and  the  captured  galleys,  which,  after 
those  who  defended  them  had  been  vanquished 
—  some  killed,  others  thrown  overboard,  and 
others  made  prisoners — were  slowly  towed  away 
by  the  victors  to  a  place  of  safety. 

There  was  one  incident  which  occurred  in 
this  scene,  as  Xerxes  looked  down  upon  it  from 
the  eminence  where  he  sat,  which  greatly  in- 
terested and  excited  him,  though  he  was  deceiv- 
ed in  respect  to  the  true  nature  of  it.  The  in- 
cident was  one  of  Artemisia's  stratagems.  It 
must  be  premised,  in  relating  the  story,  that 
Artemisia  was  not  without  enemies  among  the 
officers  of  the  Persian  fleet.  Many  of  them 
were  envious  of  the  high  distinction  which  she 
enjoyed,  and  jealous  of  the  attention  which  she 


I 


I 


276  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Enemies  of  Artemisia.  Her  quarrel  with  Damasithymus. 

received  from  the  king,  and  of  the  influence 
which  she  possessed  over  him.  This  feeling 
showed  itself  very  distinctly  at  the  grand  coun- 
cil, when  she  gave  her  advice,  in  connection 
with  that  of  the  other  commanders,  to  the  king. 
Among  the  most  decided  of  her  enemies  was  a 
certain  captain  named  Damasithymus.  Arte- 
misia had  had  a  special  quarrel  with  him  while 
the  fleet  was  coming  through  the  Hellespont, 
which,  though  settled  for  the  time,  left  the 
minds  of  both  parties  in  a  state  of  great  hostil- 
ity toward  each  other. 

It  happened,  in  the  course  of  the  battle,  that 
the  ship  which  Artemisia  personally  command- 
ed and  that  of  Damasithymus  were  engaged, 
together  with  other  Persian  vessels,  in  the  same 
part  of  the  bay  ;  and  at  a  time  when  the  ardor 
and  confusion  of  the  conflict  was  at  its  height, 
the  galley  of  Artemisia,  and  some  others  that 
were  in  company  with  hers,  became  separated 
from  the  rest,  perhaps  by  the  too  eager  pursuit 
of  an  enemy,  and  as  other  Greek  ships  came  up 
suddenly  to  the  assistance  of  their  comrades,  the 
Persian  vessels  found  themselves  in  great  dan- 
ger, and  began  to  retreat,  followed  by  their  en- 
emies. We  speak  of  the  retreating  galleys  as 
Persian,  because  they  were  on  the  Persian  side 


B.C. 480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  277 

Stratagem  of  Artemisia.  She  attacks  D am asi thymus. 

in  the  contest,  though  it  happened  that  they 
were  really  ships  from  Greek  nations,  which 
Xerxes  had  bribed  or  forced  into  his  service. 
The  Greeks  knew  them  to  be  enemies,  by  the 
Persian  flag  which  they  bore. 

In  the  retreat,  and  while  the  ships  were  more 
or  less  mingled  together  in  the  confusion,  Arte- 
misia perceived  that  the  Persian  galley  nearest 
her  was  that  of  Damasithymus.  She  immedi- 
ately caused  her  own  Persian  flag  to  be  pulled 
down,  and,  resorting  to  such  other  artifices  as 
might  tend  to  make  her  vessel  appear  to  be  a 
Greek  galley,  she  began  to  act  as  if  she  were 
one  of  the  pursuers  instead  of  one  of  the  pur- 
sued. She  bore  down  upon  the  ship  of  Dama- 
sithymus, saying  to  her  crew  that  to  attack  and 
sink  that  ship  was  the  only  way  to  save  their 
own  lives.  They  accordingly  attacked  it  with 
the  utmost  fury.  The  Athenian  ships  which 
were  near,  seeing  Artemisia's  galley  thus  en- 
gaged, supposed  that  it  was  one  of  their  own, 
and  pressed  on,  leaving  the  vessel  of  Damasi- 
thymus at  Artemisia's  mercy.  It  was  such 
mercy  as  would  be  expected  of  a  woman  who 
would  volunteer  to  take  command  of  a  squad- 
ron of  ships  of  war,  and  go  forth  on  an  active 
campaign  to  fight  for  her  life  among  such  fero- 


278  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Artemisia  kills  Damasithymus.  Xerxes's  opinion  of  her  valor. 

cious  tigers  as  Greek  soldiers  always  were,  con- 
sidering it  all  an  excursion  of  pleasure.  Arte- 
misia killed  Damasithymus  and  all  of  his  crew, 
and  sunk  his  ship,  and  then,  the  crisis  of  dan- 
ger being  past,  she  made  good  her  retreat  back 
to  the  Persian  lines.  She  probably  felt  no  spe- 
cial animosity  against  the  crew  of  this  ill-fated 
vessel,  but  she  thought  it  most  prudent  to  leave 
no  man  alive  to  tell  the  story. 

Xerxes  watched  this  transaction  from  his 
place  on  the  hill  with  extreme  interest  and 
pleasure.  He  saw  the  vessel  of  Artemisia  bear- 
ing down  upon  the  other,  which  last  he  sup- 
posed, of  course,  from  Artemisia's  attacking  it, 
was  a  vessel  of  the  enemy.  The  only  subject 
of  doubt  was  whether  the  attacking  ship  was 
really  that  of  Artemisia.  The  officers  who  stood 
about  Xerxes  at  the  time  that  the  transaction 
occurred  assured  him  that  it  was.  They  knew 
it  well  by  certain  peculiarities  in  its  construc- 
tion. Xerxes  then  watched  the  progress  of  the 
contest  with  the  most  eager  interest,  and,  when 
he  saw  the  result  of  it,  he  praised  Artemisia  in 
the  highest  terms,  saying  that  the  men  in  his 
fleet  behaved  like  women,  while  the  only  wom- 
an in  it  behaved  like  a  man. 

Thus   Artemisia's   exploit   operated   like  a 


B.C. 480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  279 

Progress  of  the  battle.  The  Persians  give  way. 

double  stratagem.  Both  the  Greeks  and  the 
Persians  were  deceived,  and  she  gained  an  ad- 
vantage by  both  the  deceptions.  She  saved  her 
life  by  leading  the  Greeks  to  believe  that  her  gal- 
ley was  their  friend,  and  she  gained  great  glory 
and  renown  among  the  Persians  by  making 
them  believe  that  the  vessel  which  she  sunk 
was  that  of  an  enemy. 

Though  these  and  some  of  the  other  scenes 
and  incidents  which  Xerxes  witnessed  as  he 
looked  down  upon  the  battle  gave  him  pleasure, 
yet  the  curiosity  and  interest  with  which  he  sur- 
veyed the  opening  of  the  contest  were  gradually 
changed  to  impatience,  vexation,  and  rage  as  he 
saw  in  its  progress  that  the  Greeks  were  every 
where  gaining  the  victory.  Notwithstanding 
the  discord  and  animosity  which  had  reigned 
among  the  commanders  in  their  councils  and  de- 
bates, the  men  were  united,  resolute,  and  firm 
when  the  time  arrived  for  action ;  and  they 
fought  with  such  desperate  courage  and  activi- 
ty, and,  at  the  same  time,  with,  so  much  cool- 
ness, circumspection,  and  discipline,  that  the 
Persian  lines  were,  before  many  hours,  every 
where  compelled  to  give  way.  A  striking  ex- 
ample of  the  indomitable  and  efficient  resolu- 
tion which,  on  such  occasions,  always  charac- 


280  Xerxes.  JB.C.  480. 

Heroism  of  Aristides.  He  captures  Psyttalia. 

terized  the  Greeks,  was  shown  in  the  conduct 
of  Aristides.  The  reader  will  recollect  that  the 
Persians,  on  the  night  before  the  battle,  had 
taken  possession  of  the  island  of  Psyttalia — 
which  was  near  the  center  of  the  scene  of  con- 
test— for  the  double  purpose  of  enabling  them- 
selves to  use  it  as  a  place  of  refuge  and  retreat 
during  the  battle,  and  of  preventing  their  ene- 
mies from  doing  so.  Now  Aristides  had  no  com- 
mand. He  had  been  expelled  from  Athens  by 
the  influence  of  Themistocles  and  his  other  en- 
emies. He  had  come  across  from  iEgina  to  the 
fleet  at  Salamis,  alone,  to  give  his  countrymen 
information  of  the  dispositions  which  the  Per- 
sians had  made  for  surrounding  them.  When 
the  battle  began,  he  had  been  left,  it  seems,  on 
the  shore  of  Salamis  a  spectator.  There  was 
a  small  body  of  troops  left  there  also,  as  a  guard 
to  the  shore.  In  the  course  of  the  combat,  when 
Aristides  found  that  the  services  of  this  guard 
were  no  longer  likely  to  be  required  where  they 
were,  he  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  them,  ob- 
tained possession  of  boats  or  a  galley,  transport- 
ed the  men  across  the  channel,  landed  them  on 
the  island  of  Psyttalia,  conquered  the  post,  and 
killed  every  man  that  the  Persians  had  station- 
ed there. 


B.C. 480.]   Battle  of  Salamis.  281 

The  Greeks  victorious.  Repairing  damages. 

When  the  day  was  spent,  and  the  evening 
came  on,  it  was  found  that  the  result  of  the  bat- 
tle was  a  Greek  victory,  and  yet  it  was  not  a 
victory  so  decisive  as  to  compel  the  Persians 
wholly  to  retire.  Vast  numbers  of  the  Persian 
ships  were  destroyed,  but  still  so  many  remain- 
ed, that  when  at  night  they  drew  back  from  the 
scene  of  the  conflict,  toward  their  anchorage 
ground  at  Phalerum,  the  Greeks  were  very 
willing  to  leave  them  unmolested  there.  The 
Greeks,  in  fact,  had  full  employment  on  the  fol- 
lowing day  in  reassembling  the  scattered  rem- 
nants of  their  own  fleet,  repairing  the  damages 
that  they  had  sustained,  taking  care  of  their 
wounded  men,  and,  in  a  word,  attending  to  the 
thousand  urgent  and  pressing  exigencies  always 
arising  in  the  service  of  a  fleet  after  a  battle, 
even  when  it  has  been  victorious  in  the  contest. 
They  did  not  know  in  exactly  what  condition 
the  Persian  fleet  had  been  left,  nor  how  far  there 
might  be  danger  of  a  renewal  of  the  conflict  on 
the  following  day.  They  devoted  all  their  time 
and  attention,  therefore,  to  strengthening  their 
defenses  and  reorganizing  the  fleet,  so  as  to  be 
ready  in  case  a  new  assault  should  be  made 
upon  them. 

But  Xerxes  had  no  intention  of  any  new  at- 


282  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Xerxes  resolves  on  flight.  The  sea  after  the  battle. 

tack.  The  loss  of  this  battle  gave  a  final  blow 
to  his  expectations  of  being  able  to  carry  his  con- 
quests in  Greece  any  further.  He  too,  like  the 
Greeks,  employed  his  men  in  industrious  and 
vigorous  efforts  to  repair  the  damages  which  had 
been  done,  and  to  reassemble  and  reorganize  that 
portion  of  the  fleet  which  had  not  been  destroy- 
ed. While,  however,  his  men  were  doing  this, 
he  was  himself  revolving  in  his  mind,  moodily 
and  despairingly,  plans,  not  for  new  conflicts, 
but  for  the  safest  and  speediest  way  of  making 
his  own  personal  escape  from  the  dangers  around 
him,  back  to  his  home  in  Susa. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  surface  of  the  sea,  far 
and  wide  in  every  direction,  was  covered  with 
the  wrecks,  and  remnants,  and  fragments  strew- 
ed over  it  by  the  battle.  Dismantled  hulks, 
masses  of  entangled  spars  and  rigging,  broken 
oars,  weapons  of  every  description,  and  the 
swollen  and  ghastly  bodies  of  the  dead,  floated 
on  the  rolling  swell  of  the  sea  wherever  the 
winds  or  the  currents  carried  them.  At  length 
many  of  these  mournful  memorials  of  the  strife 
found  their  way  across  the  whole  breadth  of  the 
Mediterranean,  and  were  driven  up  upon  the 
beach  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  at  a  barbarous 
country  called  Colias.     The  savages  dragged 


283 

Fulfillment  of  an  ancient  prophecy. 

the  fragments  up  out  of  the  sand  to  use  as  fuel 
for  their  fires,  pleased  with  their  unexpected  ac- 
quisitions, but  wholly  ignorant,  of  course,  of  the 
nature  of  the  dreadful  tragedy  to  which  their 
coming  was  due.  The  circumstance,  however, 
explained  to  the  Greeks  an  ancient  prophecy 
which  had  been  uttered  long  before  in  Athens, 
and  which  the  interpreters  of  such  mysteries 
had  never  been  able  to  understand.  The  proph- 
ecy was  this: - 

The  Colian  dames  on  Afric's  shores 
Shall  roast  their  food  with  Persian  oars. 


284  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480, 

Mardonius.  His  apprehensions  after  the  battle 


Chapter  XII. 
The  Return  of  Xerxes  to  Persia. 

MARDONIUS,  it  will  be  recollected,  was 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  forces  of 
Xerxes,  and  thus,  next  to  Xerxes  himself,  he 
was  the  officer  highest  in  rank  of  all  those  who 
attended  the  expedition.  He  was,  in  fact,  a 
sort  of  prime  minister,  on  whom  the  responsi- 
bility for  almost  all  the  measures  for  the  gov- 
ernment and  conduct  of  the  expedition  had  been 
thrown.  Men  in  such  positions,  while  they 
may  expect  the  Highest  rewards  and  honors 
from  their  sovereign  in  case  of  success,  have  al- 
ways reason  to  apprehend  the  worst  of  conse- 
quences to* themselves  in  case  of  failure.  The 
night  after  the  battle  of  Salamis,  accordingly, 
Mardonius  was  in  great  fear.  He  did  not  dis- 
trust the  future  success  of  the  expedition  if  it 
were  allowed  to  go  on  ;  but,  knowing  the  char- 
acter of  such  despots  as  those  who  ruled  great 
nations  in  that  age  of  the  world,  he  was  well 
aware  that  he  might  reasonably  expect,  at  any 
moment,  the  appearance  of  officers  sent  from 
Xerxes  to  cut  off  his  head. 


B.C. 480.]  The  Return  to  Persia.     285 

Depression  of  Xerxes.  Mardonius's  address  to  him. 

His  anxiety  was  increased  by  observing  that 
Xerxes  seemed  very  much  depressed,  and  very 
restless  and  uneasy,  after  the  battle,  as  if  he 
were  revolving  in  his  mind  some  extraordinary 
design.  He  presently  thought  that  he  perceiv- 
ed indications  that  the  king  was  planning  a  re- 
treat. Mardonius,  after  much  hesitation,  con- 
cluded to  speak  to  him,  and  endeavor  to  dispel 
his  anxieties  and  fears,  and  lead  him  to  take  a 
more  favorable  view  of  the  prospects  of  the  ex- 
pedition. He  accordingly  accosted  him  on  the 
subject  somewhat  as  follows : 

"It  is  true,"  said  he,  "that  we  were  not  as 
successful  in  the  combat  yesterday  as  we  de- 
sired to  be ;  but  this  reverse,  as  well  as  all  the 
preceding  disasters  that  we  have  met  with,  is, 
after  all,  of  comparatively  little  moment.  Your 
majesty  has  gone  steadily  on,  accomplishing 
most  triumphantly  all  the  substantial  objects 
aimed  at  in  undertaking  the  expedition.  Your 
troops  have  advanced  successfully  by  land 
against  all  opposition.  With  them  you  have 
traversed  Thrace,  Macedon,  and  Thessaly.  You 
have  fought  your  way,  against  the  most  despe- 
rate resistance,  through  the  Pass  of  Thermop- 
ylae. You  have  overrun  all  Northern  Greece. 
You  have  burned  Athens.     Thus,  far  from  there 


286  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Mardonius  offers  to  complete  the  conquest  of  Greece. 

being  any  uncertainty  or  doubt  in  respect  to  the 
success  of  the  expedition,  we  see  that  all  the 
great  objects  which  you  proposed  by  it  are  al- 
ready accomplished.  The  fleet,  it  is  true,  has 
now  suffered  extensive  damage ;  but  we  must 
remember  that  it  is  upon  the  army,  not  upon 
the  fleet,  that  our  hopes  and  expectations  main- 
ly depend.  The  army  is  safe ;  and  it  can  not 
be  possible  that  the  Greeks  can  hereafter  bring 
any  force  into  the  field  by  which  it  can  be  seri- 
ously endangered." 

By  these  and  similar  sentiments,  Mardonius 
endeavored  to  revive  and  restore  the  failing  cour- 
age and  resolution  of  the  king.  He  found,  how- 
ever, that  he  met  with  very  partial  success. 
Xerxes  was  silent,  thoughtful,  and  oppressed 
apparently  with  a  sense  of  anxious  concern. 
Mardonius  finally  proposed  that,  even  if  the 
king  should  think  it  best  to  return  himself  to 
Susa,  he  should  not  abandon  the  enterprise 
of  subduing  Greece,  but  that  he  should  leave 
a  portion  of  the  army  under  his  (Mardonius's) 
charge,  and  he  would  undertake,  he  said,  to  com- 
plete the  work  which  had  been  so  successfully 
begun.  Three  hundred  thousand  men,  he  was 
convinced,  would  be  sufficient  for  the  purpose. 

This  suggestion  seems  to  have  made  a  favor- 


B.C. 480.]  The  Return  to  Persia.     287 

Effect  of  Mardonius's  address.  Xerxes  consults  Artemisia. 

able  impression  on  the  mind  of  Xerxes.  He  was 
disposed,  in  fact,  to  be  pleased  with  any  plan, 
provided  it  opened  the  way  for  his  own  escape 
from  the  dangers  in  which  he  imagined  that  he 
was  entangled.  He  said  that  he  would  consult 
some  of  the  other  commanders  upon  the  subject. 
He  did  so,  and  then,  before  coming  to  a  final  de- 
cision, he  determined  to  confer  with  Artemisia. 
He  remembered  that  she  had  counseled  him  not 
to  attack  the  Greeks  at  Salamis,  and,  as  the  re- 
sult had  proved  that  counsel  to  be  eminently 
wise,  he  felt  the  greater  confidence  in  asking 
her  judgment  again. 

He  accordingly  sent  for  Artemisia,  and,  di- 
recting all  the  officers,  as  well  as  his  own  at- 
tendants, to  retire,  he  held  a  private  consulta- 
tion with  her  in  respect  to  his  plans. 

"Mardonius  proposes,"  said  he,  "that  the  ex- 
pedition should  on  no  account  be  abandoned  in 
consequence  of  this  disaster,  for  he  says  that  the 
fleet  is  a  very  unimportant  part  of  our  force,  and 
that  the  army  still  remains  unharmed.  He  pro- 
poses that,  if  I  should  decide  myself  to  return  to 
Persia,  I  should  leave  three  hundred  thousand 
men  with  him,  and  he  undertakes,  if  I  will  do 
so,  to  complete,  with  them,  the  subjugation  of 
Greece.     Tell  me  what  you  think  of  this  plan. 


288  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Artemisia  hesitates.  Her  advice  to  Xerxes. 

You  evinced  so  much  sagacity  in  foreseeing  the 
result  of  this  engagement  at  Salamis,  that  I  par- 
ticularly wish  to  know  your  opinion." 

Artemisia,  after  pausing  a  little  to  reflect 
upon  the  subject,  saying,  as  she  hesitated,  that 
it  was  rather  difficult  to  decide,  under  the  ex- 
traordinary circumstances  in  which  they  were 
placed,  what  it  really  was  best  to  do,  came  at 
length  to  the  conclusion  that  it  would  be  wisest 
for  the  king  to  accede  to  Mardonius's  proposal. 
"  Since  he  offers,  of  his  own  accord,  to  remain 
and  undertake  to  complete  the  subjugation  of 
Greece,  you  can,  very  safely  to  yourself,  allow 
him  to  make  the  experiment.  The  great  object 
which  was  announced  as  the  one  which  you  had 
chiefly  in  view  in  the  invasion  of  Greece,  was  the 
burning  of  Athens.  This  is  already  accomplish- 
ed. You  have  done,  therefore,  what  you  under- 
took to  do,  and  can,  consequently,  now  return 
yourself,  without  dishonor.  If  Mardonius  suc- 
ceeds in  his  attempt,  the  glory  of  it  will  redound 
to  you.  His  victories  will  be  considered  as  only 
the  successful  completion  of  what  you  began. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  he  fails,  the  disgrace  of 
failure  will  be  his  alone,  and  the  injury  will  be 
confined  to  his  destruction.  In  any  event,  your 
person,  your  interests,  and  your  honor  are  safe, 


B.C. 480.]  The  Return  to  Persia.     289 

Xerxes  adopts  Artemisia's  advice.  His  anxiety  increases. 

and  if  Mardonius  is  willing  to  take  the  respons- 
ibility and  incur  the  danger  involved  in  the  plan 
that  he  proposes,  I  would  give  him  the  oppor- 
tunity." 

Xerxes  adopted  the  view  of  the  subject  which 
Artemisia  thus  presented  with  the  utmost  read- 
iness and  pleasure.  That  advice  is  always  very 
welcome  which  makes  the  course  that  we  had 
previously  decided  upon  as  the  most  agreeable 
seem  the  most  wise.  Xerxes  immediately  de- 
termined on  returning  to  Persia  himself,  and 
leaving  Mardonius  to  complete  the  conquest.  In 
carrying  out  this  design,  he  concluded  to  march 
to  the  northward  by  land,  accompanied  by  a  large 
portion  of  his  army  and  by  all  his  principal  offi- 
cers, until  he  reached  the  Hellespont.  Then 
he  was  to  give  up  to  Mardonius  the  command 
of  such  troops  as  should  be  selected  to  remain 
in  Greece,  and,  crossing  the  Hellespont,  return 
himself  to  Persia  with  the  remainder. 

If,  as  is  generally  the  case,  it  is  a  panic  that 
causes  a  flight,  a  flight,  in  its  turn,  always  in- 
creases a  panic.  It  happened,  in  accordance 
with  this  general  law,  that,  as  soon  as  the 
thoughts  of  Xerxes  were  once  turned  toward  an 
escape  from  Greece,  his  fears  increased,  and  his 
mind  became  more  and  more  the  prey  of  a  rest- 
T 


290  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Xerxes  commences  his  retreat  He  sends  his  family  to  Ephesus. 

less  uneasiness  and  anxiety  lest  he  should  not 
be  able  to  effect  his  escape.  He  feared  that  the 
bridge  of  boats  would  have  been  broken  down, 
and  then  how  would  he  be  able  to  cross  the  Hel- 
lespont ?  To  prevent  the  Greek  fleet  from  pro- 
ceeding to  the  northward,  and  thus  intercepting 
his  passage  by  destroying  the  bridge,  he  determ- 
ined to  conceal,  as  long  as  possible,  his  own  de- 
parture. Accordingly,  while  he  was  making 
the  most  efficient  and  rapid  arrangements  on 
the  land  for  abandoning  the  whole  region,  he 
brought  up  his  fleet  by  sea,  and  began  to  build, 
by  means  of  the  ships,  a  floating  bridge  from  the 
main  land  to  the  island  of  Salamis,  as  if  he  were 
intent  only  on  advancing.  He  continued  this 
work  all  day,  postponing  his  intended  retreat 
until  the  night  should  come,  in  order  to  conceal 
his  movements.  In  the  course  of  the  day  he 
placed  all  his  family  and  family  relatives  on 
board  of  Artemisia's  ship,  under  the  charge  of 
a  tried  and  faithful  domestic.  Artemisia  was 
to  convey  them,  as  rapidly  as  possible,  to  Ephe- 
sus, a  strong  city  in  Asia  Minor,  where  Xerxes 
supposed  that  they  would  be  safe. 

In  the  night  the  fleet,  in  obedience  to  the  or- 
ders which  Xerxes  had  given  them,  abandoned 
their  bridge  and  all  their  other  undertakings, 


B.C. 480.]  The  Return  to  Persia.     291 

Excitement  in  the  Greek  fleet.  The  Persians  pursued. 

and  set  sail.  They  were  to  make  the  best  of 
their  way  to  the  Hellespont,  and  post  them- 
selves there  to  defend  the  bridge  of  boats  until 
Xerxes  should  arrive.  On  the  following  morn- 
ing, accordingly,  when  the  sun  rose,  the  Greeks 
found,  to  their  utter  astonishment,  that  their 
enemies  were  gone. 

A  scene  of  the  greatest  animation  and  excite- 
ment on  board  the  Greek  fleet  at  once  ensued. 
The  commanders  resolved  on  an  immediate  pur- 
suit. The  seamen  hoisted  their  sails,  raised 
their  anchors,  and  manned  their  oars,  and  the 
whole  squadron  was  soon  in  rapid  motion.  The 
fleet  went  as  far  as  to  the  island  of  Andros,  look- 
ing eagerly  all  around  the  horizon,  in  every  di- 
rection, as  they  advanced,  but  no  signs  of  the 
fugitives  were  to  be  seen.  The  ships  then  drew 
up  to  the  shore,  and  the  commanders  were  con- 
vened in  an  assembly,  summoned  by  Eurybia- 
des,  on  the  land,  for  consultation. 

A  debate  ensued,  in  which  the  eternal  enmi- 
ty and  dissension  between  the  Athenian  and 
Peloponnesian  Greeks  broke  out  anew.  There 
was,  however,  now  some  reason  for  the  disagree- 
ment. The  Athenian  cause  was  already  ruin- 
ed. Their  capital  had  been  burned,  their  coun- 
try ravaged,  and  their  wives  and  children  driven 


292  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Debate  among  the  generals.  Themistocles  outvoted. 

forth  to  exile  and  misery.  Nothing  remained 
now  for  them  but  hopes  of  revenge.  They  were 
eager,  therefore,  to  press  on,  and  overtake  the 
Persian  galleys  in  their  flight,  or,  if  this  could 
not  be  done,  to  reach  the  Hellespont  before  Xerx- 
es should  arrive  there,  and  intercept  his  passage 
by  destroying  the  bridge.  This  was  the  policy 
which  Themistocles  advocated.  Eurybiades, 
on  the  other  hand,  and  the  Peloponnesian  com- 
manders, urged  the  expediency  of  not  driving 
the  Persians  to  desperation  by  harassing  them 
too  closely  on  their  retreat.  They  were  formi- 
dable enemies  after  all,  and,  if  they  were  now 
disposed  to  retire  and  leave  the  country,  it  was 
the  true  policy  of  the  Greeks  to  allow  them  to 
do  so.  To  destroy  the  bridge  of  boats  would 
only  be  to  take  effectual  measures  for  keeping 
the  pest  among  them.  Themistocles  was  out- 
voted. It  was  determined  best  to  allow  the 
Persian  forces  to  retire. 

Themistocles,  when  he  found  that  his  coun- 
sels were  overruled,  resorted  to  another  of  the 
audacious  stratagems  that  marked  his  career, 
which  was  to  send  a  second  pretended  message 
of  friendship  to  the  Persian  king.  He  employ- 
ed the  same  Sicinnus  on  this  occasion  that  he 
had  sent  before  into  the  Persian  fleet,  on  the 


B.C. 480.]  The  Return  to  Persia.     293 

Another  stratagem  of  Themistocles.  His  message  to  Xerxes. 

eve  of  the  battle  of  Salamis.  A  galley  was  giv- 
en to  Sicinnus,  with  a  select  crew  of  faithful 
men.  They  were  all  put  under  the  most  sol- 
emn oaths  never  to  divulge  to  any  person,  un- 
der any  circumstances,  the  nature  and  object 
of  their  commission.  With  this  company,  Si- 
einnus left  the  fleet  secretly  in  the  night,  and 
went  to  the  coast  of  Attica.  Landing  here,  he 
left  the  galley,  with  the  crew  in  charge  of  it, 
upon  the  shore,  and,  with  one  or  two  select  at- 
tendants, he  made  his  way  to  the  Persian  camp, 
and  desired  an  interview  with  the  king.  On  be- 
ing admitted  to  an  audience,  he  said  to  Xerxes 
that  he  had  been  sent  to  him  by  Themistocles, 
whom  he  represented  as  altogether  the  most 
prominent  man  among  the  Greek  commanders, 
to  say  that  the  Greeks  had  resolved  on  pressing 
forward  to  the  Hellespont,  to  intercept  him  on 
his  return,  but  that  he,  Themistocles,  had  dis- 
suaded them  from  it,  under  the  influence  of  the 
same  friendship  for  Xerxes  which  had  led  him  to 
send  a  friendly  communication  to  the  Persians 
before  the  late  battle ;  that,  in  consequence  of 
the  arguments  and  persuasions  of  Themistocles, 
the  Greek  squadrons  would  remain  where  they 
then  were,  on  the  southern  coasts,  leaving  Xerx- 
es to  retire  without  molestation. 


294  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Duplicity  of  Themistocles.  Retreat  of  Xerxes. 

All  this  was  false,  but  Themistocles  thought 
it  would  serve  his  purpose  well  to  make  the  state- 
ment ;  for,  in  case  he  should,  at  any  future  time, 
in  following  the  ordinary  fate  of  the  bravest  and 
most  successful  Greek  generals,  be  obliged  to  fly 
in  exile  from  his  country  to  save  his  life,  it  might 
be  important  for  him  to  have  a  good  understand- 
ing beforehand  with  the  King  of  Persia,  though 
a  good  understanding,  founded  on  pretensions  so 
hypocritical  and  empty  as  these,  would  seem  to 
be  worthy  of  very  little  reliance.  In  fact,  for  a 
Greek  general,  discomfited  in  the  councils  of 
his  own  nation,  to  turn  to  the  Persian  king  with 
such  prompt  and  cool  assurance,  for  the  purpose 
of  gaining  his  friendship  by  tendering  falsehoods 
so  bare  and  professions  so  hollow,  was  an  instance 
of  audacious  treachery  so  original  and  lofty  as  to 
be  almost  sublime. 

Xerxes  pressed  on  with  the  utmost  diligence 
toward  the  north.  The  country  had  been  rav- 
aged and  exhausted  by  his  march  through  it  in 
coming  down,  and  now,  in  returning,  he  found 
infinite  difficulty  in  obtaining  supplies  of  food 
and  water  for  his  army.  Forty-five  days  were 
consumed  in  getting  back  to  the  Hellespont. 
During  all  this  time  the  privations  and  suffer- 
ings of  the  troops  increased  every  day.    The  sol- 


B.C. 480.]  The  Return  to  Persia.     295 

Horrors  of  the  retreat.  Sufferings  from  hunger. 

diers  were  spent  with  fatigue,  exhausted  with 
hunger,  and  harassed  with  incessant  apprehen- 
sions of  attacks  from  their  enemies.  Thousands 
of  the  sick  and  wounded  that  attempted  at  first 
to  follow  the  army,  gave  out  by  degrees  as  the 
columns  moved  on.  Some  were  left  at  the  en- 
campments ;  others  lay  down  by  the  road-sides, 
in  the  midst  of  the  day's  march,  wherever  their 
waning  strength  finally  failed  them  ;  and  every 
where  broken  chariots,  dead  and  dying  beasts 
of  burden,  and  the  bodies  of  soldiers,  that  lay 
neglected  where  they  fell,  encumbered  and  chok- 
ed the  way.  In  a  word,  all  the  roads  leading  to- 
ward the  northern  provinces  exhibited  in  full 
perfection  those  awful  scenes  which  usually 
mark  the  track  of  a  great  army  retreating  from 
an  invasion. 

The  men  were  at  length  reduced  to  extreme 
distress  for  food.  They  ate  the  roots  and  stems 
of  the  herbage,  and  finally  stripped  the  very  bark 
from  the  trees  and  devoured  it,  in  the  vain  hope 
that  it  might  afford  some  nutriment  to  re-en- 
force the  vital  principle,  for  a  little  time  at  least, 
in  the  dreadful  struggle  which  it  was  waging 
within  them.  There  are  certain  forms  of  pesti- 
lential disease  which,  in  cases  like  this,  always 
set  in  to  hasten  the  work  which  famine  alone 


296  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Famine  and  disease.  Xerxes  crosses  the  Hellespont 

would  be  too  slow  in  performing.  Accordingly, 
as  was  to  have  been  expected,  camp  fevers,  chol- 
eras, and  other  corrupt  and  infectious  maladies, 
broke  out  with  great  violence  as  the  army  ad- 
vanced along  the  northern  shores  of  the  iEgean 
Sea ;  and  as  every  victim  to  these  dreadful  and 
hopeless  disorders  helped,  by  his  own  dissolu- 
tion, to  taint  the  air  for  all  the  rest,  the  wretch- 
ed crowd  was,  in  the  end,  reduced  to  the  last 
extreme  of  misery  and  terror. 

At  length  Xerxes,  with  a  miserable  remnant 
of  his  troops,  arrived  at  Abydos,  on  the  shores 
of  the  Hellespont.  He  found  the  bridge  broken 
down.  The  winds  and  storms  had  demolished 
what  the  Greeks  had  determined  to  spare.  The 
immense  structure,  which  it  had  cost  so  much 
toil  and  time  to  rear,  had  wholly  disappeared, 
leaving  no  traces  of  its  existence,  except  the 
wrecks  which  lay  here  and  there  half  buried  in 
the  sand  along  the  shore.  There  were  some 
small  boats  at  hand,  and  Xerxes,  embarking  in 
one  of  them,  with  a  few  attendants  in  the  oth- 
ers, and  leaving  the  exhausted  and  wretched 
remnant  of  his  army  behind,  was  rowed  across 
the  strait,  and  landed  at  last  safely  again  on  the 
Asiatic  shores. 

The  place  of  his  landing  was  Sestos.     From 


■■ill 


ifiSiiS 


B.C. 480.]  The  Return  to  Persia.     299 

Fate  of  Mardonius.  Xerxes  arrives  at  Susa. 

Sestos  he  went  to  Sardis,  and  from  Sardis  he 
proceeded,  in  a  short  time,  to  Susa.  Mardoni- 
us was  left  in  Greece.  Mardonius  was  a  gen- 
eral of  great  military  experience  and  skill,  and, 
when  left  to  himself,  he  found  no  great  difficul- 
ty in  reorganizing  the  army,  and  in  putting  it 
again  in  an  efficient  condition.  He  was  not 
able,  however,  to  accomplish  the  undertaking 
which  he  had  engaged  to  perform.  After  vari- 
ous adventures,  prosperous  and  adverse,  which 
it  would  be  foreign  to  our  purpose  here  to  de- 
tail, he  was  at  last  defeated  in  a  great  battle, 
and  killed  on  the  field.  The  Persian  army  was 
now  obliged  to  give  up  the  contest,  and  was  ex- 
pelled from  Greece  finally  and  forever. 

When- Xerxes  reached  Susa,  he  felt  overjoy- 
ed to  find  himself  once  more  safe,  as  he  thought, 
in  his  own  palaces.  He  looked  back  upon  the 
hardships,  exposures,  and  perils  through  which 
he  had  passed,  and,  thankful  for  having  so  nar- 
rowly escaped  from  them,  he  determined  to  en- 
counter no  such  hazards  again.  He  had  had 
enough  of  ambition  and  glory.  He  was  now 
going  to  devote  himself  to  ease  and  pleasure. 
Such  a  man  would  not  naturally  be  expected  to 
be  very  scrupulous  in  respect  to  the  means  of 
enjoyment,  or  to  the  character  of  the  compan- 


300  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Xerxes's  dissolute  life.  His  three  sons. 

ions  whom  he  would  select  to  share  his  pleas- 
ures, and  the  life  of  the  king  soon  presented  one 
continual  scene  of  dissipation,  revelry,  and  vice. 
He  gave  himself  up  to  such  prolonged  carousals, 
that  one  night  was  sometimes  protracted  through 
the  following  day  into  another.  The  adminis- 
tration of  his  government  was  left  wholly  to  his 
ministers,  and  every  personal  duty  was  neglect- 
ed, that  he  might  give  himself  to  the  most  aban- 
doned and  profligate  indulgence  of  his  appetites 
and  passions. 

He  had  three  sons  who  might  be  considered 
as  heirs  to  his  throne — Darius,  Hystaspes,  and 
Artaxerxes.  Hystaspes  was  absent  in  a  neigh- 
boring province.  The  others  were  at  home.  He 
had  also  a  very  prominent  officer  in  his  court, 
whose  name,  Artabanus,  was  the  same  with 
that  of  the  uncle  who  had  so  strongly  attempt- 
ed to  dissuade  him  from  undertaking  the  con- 
quest of  Greece.  Artabanus  the  uncle  disap- 
pears finally  from  view  at  the  time  when  Xerx- 
es dismissed  him  to  return  to  Susa  at  the  first 
crossing  of  the  Hellespont.  This  second  Arta- 
banus was  the  captain  of  the  king's  body-guard, 
and,  consequently,  the  common  executioner  of 
the  despot's  decrees.  Being  thus  established  in 
his  palace,  surrounded  by  his  family,  and  pro- 


B.C. 480.]  The  Return  to  Persia.     301 

Artabanus,  captain  of  the  guard.  He  assassinates  Xerxes. 

tected  by  Artabanus  and  his  guard,  the  mon- 
arch felt  that  all  his  toils  and  dangers  were  over, 
and  that  there  was  nothing  now  before  him  but 
a  life  of  ease,  of  pleasure,  and  of  safety.  In- 
stead of  this,  he  was,  in  fact,  in  the  most  immi- 
nent danger.  Artabanus  was  already  plotting 
his  destruction. 

One  day,  in  the  midst  of  one  of  his  carousals, 
he  became  angry  with  his  oldest  son  Darius  for 
some  cause,  and  gave  Artabanus  an  order  to 
kill  him.  Artabanus  neglected  to  obey  this 
order.  The  king  had  been  excited  with  wine 
when  he  gave  it,  and  Artabanus  supposed  that 
all  recollection  of  the  command  would  pass  away 
from  his  mind  with  the  excitement  that  occa- 
sioned it.  The  king  did  not,  however,  so  readi- 
ly forget.  The  next  day  he  demanded  why  his 
order  had  not  been  obeyed.  Artabanus  now  be- 
gan to  fear  for  his  own  safety,  and  he  determin- 
ed to  proceed  at  once  to  the  execution  of  a  plan 
which  he  had  long  been  revolving,  of  destroy- 
ing the  whole  of  Xerxes's  family,  and  placing 
himself  on  the  throne  in  their  stead.  He  con- 
trived to  bring  the  king's  chamberlain  into  his 
schemes,  and,  with  the  connivance  and  aid  of 
this  officer,  he  went  at  night  into  the  king's  bed- 
chamber, and  murdered  the  monarch  in  his  sleep. 


302  Xerxes.  [B.C.  480. 

Artaxerxes  kills  his  brother.  He  succeeds  to  the  throne. 

Leaving  the  bloody  weapon  with  which  the 
deed  had  been  perpetrated  by  the  side  of  the  vic- 
tim, Artabanus  went  immediately  into  the  bed- 
chamber of  Artaxerxes,  the  youngest  son,  and, 
awaking  him  suddenly,  he  told  him,  with  tones 
of  voice  and  looks  expressive  of  great  excitement 
and  alarm,  that  his  father  had  been  killed,  and 
that  it  was  his  brother  Darius  that  had  killed 
him.  "  His  motive  is,"  continued  Artabanus, 
"to  obtain  the  throne,  and,  to  make  the  more 
sure  of  an  undisturbed  possession  of  it,  he  is  in- 
tending to  murder  you  next.  Rise,  therefore, 
and  defend  your  life." 

Artaxerxes  was  aroused  to  a  sudden  and  un- 
controllable paroxysm  of  anger  at  this  intelli- 
gence. He  seized  his  weapon,  and  rushed  into 
the  apartment  of  his  innocent  brother,  and  slew 
him  on  the  spot.  Other  summary  assassina- 
tions of  a  similar  kind  followed  in  this  compli- 
cated tragedy.  Among  the  victims,  Artabanus 
and  all  his  adherents  were  slain,  and  at  length 
Artaxerxes  took  quiet  possession  of  the  throne, 
and  reigned  in  his  father's  stead. 


The    End. 


baluabU  Qtanbaxb  toork0 

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2  POPULAR    INSTRUCTIVE    WORKS 

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BARBAULDS    THINGS    BY    THEIR     RIGHT    NAMES. 

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ABBOTT'S  BISTORIB& 


IN    COURSE    OF    PUBLICATION 

tJq  Sarpr  mti  SJrntjira,  %m  ^ut 

*»*  Each  Volume  of  this  Series  is  printed  and  bound 
uniform  with  the  other  Volumes,  and  is  adorned  with  a 
richly-illuminated  title-page  and  numerous  Engravings. 
12mo,  Muslin,  plain  edges,  60  cents  per  volume  ;  Muslin, 
gilt  edges,  75  cents  per  volume. 

Bart}  tent  nf  Irak 

This  history  is  given  here  minute  in  every  point  of  real  interest,  and 
without  the  encumbrance  of  useless  opinions.  There  is  no  sentence 
thrown  away — no  time  lost  in  mere  ornament.  Perhaps  no  book  extant 
containing  so  few  pages,  can  be  said  to  convey  so  many  genuine  historical 
facts.  There  is  here  no  attempt  to  glaze  over  recorded  truth,  or  win  the 
reader  by  sophistry  to  opinions  merely  those  of  the  author.  The  pure, 
6imple  history  of  Queen  Mary  is  placed  before  the  reader,  and  each  one 
is  left  to  form  an  unbiased  opinion  from  events  impartially  recorded  there. 
One  great  and  most  valuable  feature  in  this  little  work  is  a  map  of  Scot- 
land, with  many  engravings  of  the  royal  castles  and  wild  scenes  connect- 
ed with  Mary's  history.  There  is  also  a  beautiful  portrait  of  the  Queen, 
and  a  richly  illuminated  title-page  such  as  only  the  Harpers  can  get  uo 
-National  Magazine. 


tent  dMiiaktjf. 


Full  of  instructive  and  heart-stirring  incident,  displayed  by  the  hana 
of  a  master.  We  doubt  whether  old  Queen  Bess  ever  before  had  so  much 
justice  done  to  her  within  the  same  compass.  Such  a  pen  as  Jacob  Ab- 
bott wields,  especially  in  this  department  of  our  literature,  has  no  right 
to  lie  still  — Albany  Express 


AbbotVs  Historical  Series. 

Cfjorlea  ttrt  fmi 

We  incline  to  think  that  there  never  was  before  so  much  said  about 
this  unfortunate  monarch  in  so  short  a  space  ;  so  much  to  the  purpose  , 
with  so  much  impartiality  ;  and  in  such  a  style  as  just  suits  those  for 
whom  it  is  designed — the  "  two  millions"  of  young- persons  in  the  United 
States,  who  ought  to  be  supplied  with  such  works  as  these.  The  en- 
gravings represent  the  prominent  persons  and  places  of  the  history,  and 
are  well  executed.  The  portrait  of  John  Hampden  is  charming.  The 
antique  title-page  is  rich. — Southern  Christian  Advocate. 


Hamtikl  ttje  Cartjmgimira. 

A  new  volume  of  the  series  projected  by  the  skillful  book-manufacturer, 
Mr.  Abbott,  who  displays  no  little  tact  in  engaging  the  attention  of  that 
marvellous  body  "  the  reading  public"  in  old  scholastic  topics  hitherto 
almost  exclusively  the  property  of  the  learned.  The  latter,  with  their 
ingenious  implements  of  lexicons  and  scholia,  will  be  in  no  danger  of  be- 
ing superseded,  however,  while  the  least-furnished  reader  may  gain 
something  from  the  attractively-printed  and  easily-perused  volumes  m 
Mr.  Abbott.  The  story  of  Hannibal  is  well  adapted  for  popular  treatment, 
and  loses  nothing-  for  this  purpose  in  the  present  explanatory  and  pictt 
rial  version. — Literary  World. 


Mmk  Mmmttt 


In  a  style  copious  and  yet  forcible,  with  an  expression  singularly  clear 
and  happy,  and  in  language  exceedingly  chaste  and  at  times  very  beau 
tiful,  he  has  given  us  a  plain,  unvarnished  narrative  of  facts,  as  he  him- 
self says,  unelogged  by  individual  reflections  which  would  "  only  encum- 
ber rather  than  enforce."  The  present  work  wants  none  of  the  intereti 
inseparably  connecting  itself  with  the  preceding  numbers  of  the  sain 
series,  but  is  characterized  throughout  by  the  same  peculiar  beautit  j 
riveting  the  attention  and  deeply  engraving  on  the  mind  the  informativ  . 
with  which  they  every  where  teem. —  Evening  Mirror. 


Abbotfs  Historical  Series. 

ateirator  tjjt  (tot. 

The  history  of  Alexander  the  Great,  as  penned  by  Jacob  Abbott,  will 
be  read  with  thrilling  interest.  It  is  profusely  embellished,  containing 
maps  of  the  Expedition  of  Alexander,  of  Macedon  and  Greece,  the  plain 
of  Troy,  the  Granicus,  and  the  plain  of  Issus  ;  and  engravings  of  Alex 
ander  and  Bucephalus  ;  Paris  and  Helen  ;  the  bathing  in  the  river  Cyn 
dus ;  the  siege  of  Tyre  ;  Alexander  at  the  siege  of  Susa  ;  and  the  pro 
posed  improvement  of  Mount  Athos.  It  is  written  in  a  most  graphic  and 
attractive  style. — Spectator. 


Cjiarkfi  tjre 


A  valuable  engraving  of  Lely's  portrait  of  Cromwell  opens  the  book, 
and  there  are  several  illustrative  wood  engravings  and  an  illuminated 
title-page.  This  is  a  comprehensive  and  simple  narration  of  the  main 
features  of  the  period  during  which  Charles  the  Second  reigned,  and  it 
is  done  with  the  clear  scope  and  finely-written  style  which  would  be  ex- 
pected from  the  pen  "f  Jacob  Abbott — one  of  the  most  able  and  useful 
\iterary  men,  as  he  is  one  of  the  very  best  teachers  of  his  time.— Home 
Journal. 


Mm  (fear. 


The  author  seems  gifted  with  that  peculiar  faculty,  possessed  by  so 
few,  of  holding  communion  with  and  drawing  out  ardent  imagination  and 
budding  genius,  and  at  the  same  time  of  directing  both  into  the  great 
channel  of  truth.  The  labors  of  such  a  man  are  productive  of  incalcu 
lable  good,  and  deserve  the  highest  reward. — New  Ha7?ipshire  Patriot 

Utrjwrlt  tjre  fmi 

Mr.  Abbott's  entertaining  and  instructive  historical  works  are  becom 
ing  more  and  more  popular,  and  are  undoubtedly  among  the  best  of  the 
many  condensed  histories1  :hat  have  been  written.  For  young  people  we 
know  of  nothing  more  entertaining  or  better  calculated  to  excite  a  desire 
to  become  acquainted  with  the  leading  events  of  history. — Buffalo  Cour 


AbbotVs  Historical  Series. 

IRirfjarfr  §t  CJrtrtr. 

We  know  of  no  writer  in  this  country  whose  style  and  ability  better 
6t  him  for  such  a  service.  They  are  admirable  works  for  youth,  and 
make  a  valuable  fund  of  reading  for  the  fireside  and  for  schoc.s. — New 
York  Evangelist. 


&1M  tyt  (tot. 

History,  under  the  pen  of  Mr.  Abbott,  discloses  its  narratives  and  ut- 
ters its  lessons  in  a  style  of  great  simplicity  and  intelligence,  and,  above 
all,  with  no  danger  of  detriment  to  morals.  He  has  selected  his  field 
with  excellent  taste,  and  we  shall  be  glad  to  see  his  series  pursued  in 
definitely.  In  their  line,  these  volumes  have  never  been  surpassed. — 
Baptist  Recorder. 

Daritra,  Brag  uf  Jfsttm. 

Mr.  Abbott's  design  to  write  a  succession  of  histories  for  the  young  is 
admirable,  and  worthy  of  all  encouragement,  and  the  manner  in  which 
he  has  executed  his  work  thus  far  is  most  excellent.  Let  him  be  en- 
couraged to  proceed  till  he  has  reached  the  last  volume  of  history,  that 
the  coming  generation  may  turn  from  the  world  of  romance  to  that  of 
reality,  and  learn  that  what  is  and  has  been  is  as  brilliant  in  character, 
as  glorious  in  description,  and  as  captivating  in  detail,  as  that  which  the 
genius  of  fiction  ever  created. — Observer. 


Wilhm  tjtf  Cirai]utrnr. 

These  historical  memoirs  by  Mr.  Abbott  are  marked  by  their  great 
Impartiality,  condensation  of  facts  and  picturesqueness  of  style  ;  his 
practiced  and  elegant  pen  has,  in  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  and  Charles  the 
First,  invested  the  historic  page  with  the  brilliancy  and  fascination  of 
romance. — Mirror. 


Abbot  Ps  historical  Series. 

%sxm  tjre  #rrat. 

"The  grand  excellence  of  these  little  volumes  is,  that  those  points  of 
history  which  involve  the  principles,  the  causes  of  human  action,  and 
which  too  often  receive  but  little  attention  from  those  who  write  for 
youth,  are  brought  forward  into  their  proper  station  and  so  successfully 
treated,  that  the  weakest  capacities  may  become  interested  and  stronger 
ones  profited.  The  maps  and  engravings,  of  which  there  are  many,  add 
much  to  their  value." 


KINGS  AND   QUEENS; 

Or,  Life  in  the   Palace  :    consisting    of    Historical 

Sketches  of  Josephine  and  Maria  Louisa,  Louis 

Philippe,  Ferdinand  of  Austria,  Nicholas, 

Isabella  II..  Leopold,  and  Victoria. 


With  numerous  Illustrations.     12mo,  Muslin,  $1  00. 

These  sketches  of  the  most  distinguished  personages  of  Europe  are 
drawn  by  a  master  hand,  and  with  the  life-like  distinctness  which  char- 
acterizes all  the  works  of  the  popular  author.  The  work  is  full  of  ro- 
mantic interest,  while  at  the  same  time  its  perusal  will  enable  the  reader 
to  understand  the  present  state  of  Europe  and  of  the  crowned  heads  who 
form  an  essential  part  of  its  shifting  pageantry. — Ladies1  Wreath. 

Brief,  but  very  comprehensive  and  glowing  sketches  of  eminent  sov- 
ereigns are  comprised  in  this  beautiful  little  volume.  The  present  po- 
litical posture  of  some  of  these  characters,  and  the  wonderful  incidents 
connected  with  others,  give  this  work  almost  the  air  of  a  romance,  so 
eventful,  stirring,  and  unexpected  is  the  history  of  their  lives  and  for- 
tunes. The  views  of  Mr.  Abbott  are  those  of  a  thoughtful,  conscientious, 
well-read  man  ;  and  are  far  more  trustworthy,  to  those  who  desire  to 
know  the  real  truth  of  history,  than  the  representations  of  many  histo- 
rians who  pass  for  standard  authors. — Evangelist. 


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